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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


1980 


Technical  Notes  /  Notes  techniques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Physical 
features  of  this  copy  which  may  alter  any  of  the 
images  in  the  reproduction  are  checked  below. 


0       Coloured  covers/ 
Couvertures  de  couleur 


L'institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6td  possible  de  se  procurer.  Certains 
ddfauts  susceptibles  de  nuire  d  la  qualitd  de  la 
reproduction  sont  not6s  ci-dassous. 


D 


Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


Th 
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fil 


CO 

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Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  g6ographiques  en  couleur 


Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  ddcolor^es,  tachet^es  ou  piqu^es 


Tight  binding  (may  cause  shadows  or 
distortion  along  interior  margin)/ 
Reliure  serr6  (peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou 
de  la  distortion  le  long  de  la  marge 
int^rieure) 


D 


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Coloured  plates/ 
Planches  en  couleur 


I    71       Show  through/ 


Transparence 


Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 


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M 
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up 
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Additional  comments/ 
Commentaires  suppldmentaires 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata  slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been 
refilmed  to  ensure  the  best  possible  image. 

Fold-out  maps,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at  a  different  reduction  ratio 
than  the  rest  of  the  book. 


Bibliographic  Notes  /  Notes  bibliographiques 


□ 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 


Pagination  incorrect/ 
Erreurs  de  pagination 


Pages  missing/ 

Des  pages  manquent 


D 


Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


Plates  missing/ 

Des  planches  manquent 


D 


Maps  missing/ 

Des  cartes  gdographiques  manquent 


D 


Additional  comments/ 
Commentaires  suppidmentaires 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetd  de  I'exemplaire  filmd,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche  shall 
contain  the  symbol  —»- (meaning  CONTINUED"), 
or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"),  whichever 
applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la  der- 
nidre  image  de  chaque  microfiche,  selon  le  cas: 
le  symbole  — »-  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le  symbole 
V  signifie  "FIN". 


The  original  copy  was  borrowed  from,  and 
filmed  with,  the  kind  consent  '>'  the  following 
institution: 

National  Library  of  Canada 


L'exemplaire  film6  fut  reproduit  grSce  i  la 
g6n6rosit6  de  I'dtablissement  prdteur 
suivant  : 

Bibliothdque  nationale  du  Canada 


Maps  or  plates  too  large  to  be  entirely  included 
in  one  exposure  are  filmed  beginning  in  the 
upper  Inft  hand  corner,  left  to  right  and  top  to 
bottom,  as  many  frames  as  required.  The 
following  diagrams  illustrate  the  method: 


Les  cartes  ou  les  planches  trop  grandes  pour  dtre 
reproduites  en  un  seul  clich6  sont  filmdes  d 
partir  de  Tangle  supdrieure  gauche,  de  gauche  d 
droite  et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Le  diagramme  suivant 
illustre  la  mdthode  : 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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Verrazano  the  Explorer 


I- . 


BY 


B.   F.   DeCOSTA 


New  York 

A.    S.    BARNES    &    COMPANY 


i88 


,. '  f- 


,'.'•.  '-— ^ 


•  <»r 


THELENGL( 


lenmlobe 


^ "  "^  % 


■^ 


%*fvra?inio  the  (!;.v|)l0ref: 


liElNG    A    VIN-UICATION    OF    HIS 


LETTER    AND    VOYAGE, 


WITH    AN    EXAMINATION    OF    THE 


MAP   OF    HIERONIMO    DA  VERRAZANO. 


AND    A    DISSERTATION   UPON 


mt  mht  of  f  ijjius. 


TO   WHICH   IS  PREFIXED  A   lilLLlOGRAPHV  OF  THE  SUBJECT. 


Bv   B.    F.    De   COSTA. 


NEW  YORK: 
A.   S.   BARNES  &  COMPANY. 

I  880. 


^ 


PREFACE 


The  following  pieces  have  been  reprinted  in  a  revised  form  from  The  Magazine 
of  Anwricm  History.  In  sending  them  fortli  again,  attention  may  be  called  to 
the  fact  that  no  additional  proof  has  been  offered  respecting  the  alleged  capture 
and  execution  of  (liovanni  da  Verrazano  by  the  Spaniards.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  testimony  in  favor  of  the  statement  of  Ramusio,  that  Verrazano  lost  his  life 
at  the  hands  of  the  natives  on  the  coast  of  America,  ai)i)ears  to  have  been  strength- 
ened. Proofs  of  cannibalism  have  also  been  adduced  from  the  Canadas  to  Florida. 
According  to  one  view,  he  was  condemned  October  13th,  1527,  and  executed  at 
Colmcnar  in  the  month  of  November.  The  author  learns,  however,  from  M 
Pierre  Margry,  that  he  has  a  letter,  written  at  Paris.  October  14th,  1527,  which  says 
that  Verrazano  was  then  preparing  to  visit  America  with  five  ships,  expecting 
to  sail  the  following  February  or  March.  If  this  letter  is  authentic,  the  story  of 
his  capture  and  execution  would  appear  to  be  false.  The  great  reward  offered  by 
the  Spaniards  for  his  capture  might  have  led  the  Spanish  officials  to  deceive  them- 
selves or  the  government.  Columbus,  the  Discoverer,  has  been  confounded  with 
a  Pirate  of  the  same  name,  and  this  mistake  was  made  by  the  person  who  wrote 
or  edited  the  Life  of  the  Admiral.     More  light  is  needed. 

Somewhat  recently  a  copy  of  an  unpublished  document  came  into  the  hands  of 
the  author.  This  gives  a  glimpse  of  the  operations  of  Giovanni  da  Verrazano, 
in  the  year  1525.  It  was  found  in  the  archives  at  Rouen  by  the  late  M.  Oosselin' 
and  was  copied  for  our  use  by  M.  de  Baurepaire,  the  Archivist,  at  the  instance  of 
M.  Gabriel  Gravier,  of  Rouen,  President  of  the  "  Societe  Normande  de  Geographic  " 
The  task  of  deciphering  this  document  was  very  difficult,  and  no  person 
less  skilled  than  M.  de  Baurepaire  could  have  succeeded.  As  it  remained,  a  few 
words  at  the  end,  evidently  unimportant  ones,  however,  baffled  his  ingenuity,  'it  may 
be  difficult  to  say  what  is  indicated  concerning  the  financial  ability  of  Verrazr.-o 
at  the  time  the  action  was  inaugurated.  The  "  Clameur  de  Haro  "  was  a  Xorman 
method  of  taking  an  appeal  to  royal  authority,  and  had  the  effect  of  stayin-r  all 
proceedmgs  for  the  lime.     The  translation  runs  as  follows  :  " 

^^  "Friday,  the  last  day  of  September,  1525. 

'  The  Honorable  Zanobus  de  Roussalay,  citizen,  merchant,  dwelling  at  Rouen 
who  pledges  and  gives  bonds  by  these  presents,  that  Messire  Jehan  de  Verrassane 
IS  m  the  right  to  defend  a  certain  clameur  de  haro  raised  against  him  by  Guiliaume 
Eynoult,  called  Cornete,  dwelling  at  Dieppe,  to  obtain  payment  of  the  sum  of 
ninety-five  livres,  claimed  and  demanded  by  the  said  Evnoult  from  the  said  de  Ver- 
rassane,  or  to  establish  the  right  of  de  Verrassane,  or  to  pay  the  said  sum  if  it  is 
adjudged  to  be  due,  engaging  to  Fremyn  Poree  and  Robert  Tassel,  sergeant  royal 


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at  Rouen,  present,  who  have  received  the  said  bonds,  of  which  they  are  held  sat- 
isfied, save  the  obligation  to  reimburse  them  according  to  what  the  one  and  the 
other."  ........ 

The  obscure  French  may  be  aJded,  to  enable  the  reader  to  judge  for  himself  of 
the  character  of  the  translation  : 

''  Du  vendredi  pcnultime  jour  de  Sepiembre,  i5::5. 

"  Honorable  homme  Zanobus  de  Rousselay,  bourgeois,  march:.nd,  demeurant  a 
Rouen,  lequel  plege  et  cauxionna  par  ces  ]iresentcs  Messire  Jehan  de  Verrassane 
d'estcr  a  droit  et  deffendre  certaine  clameur  de  hanj  (|ue  Ton  dit  avoir  este  sur  luy 
interjectee  par  Guiliaume  Eynmilt  dit  Cornete,  demeurant  a  Diepjje  pour  avoir 
paimenl  de  la  somme  de  95  livres  prctendas  et  demandees  jjar  ledit  Eynoult  au 
d[it]  do  Verrassane  on  de  establir  icillui  de  Verrassane  ou  payer  la  d[it]  somme 
s'il  estoit  dit  par  justice  que  faire  se  doye  promettans  a  Fremyn  Poree  et  Robert 
Tassel,  sergent  royal  at  Rouen,  presents  tpie  ont  receu  lad  [it]  caution  de  laquelle 
ils  se  sont  tenus  pour  contens  sauf  a  renfurcer  toutefois  que  d  rason  de  lad  [it] 
reception  ils  ny  I'un  d'eulx."  .  ...... 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  personal  hi.^tory  and  the  ultimate  fate  of  Verrazano 
may  yet  be  cleared  up,  by  the  aid  of  documents  still  to  be  discovered. 

The  author  desires  here  to  express  the  obligations  he  is  under  to  various  per- 
sons for  assistance  in  connection  with  this  subject.  Among  them  he  would  make 
particular  mention  of  the  Right  Reverend  Doctor  Chatard,  formerly  President  of 
the  CoUi;^io  Romano,  at  Rome,  and  n£)w  I'.ishop  of  Vincennes ;  the  Re\erend 
Doctor  Conrad,  who,  as  Rector  of  the  Propaganda  I'ide,  furnished  the  facilities 
for  our  examination  of  the  Cartographit  al  treasures  preserved  in  that  institution  ; 
the  Reverend  Professor  Father  White  ;  J.  Carson  J3revoori,  LL.D.,  and  John  Rus- 
sell r.artlett,  Superintendent  of  the  Carter-Brown  Library,  Providence. 

The  writer  has  already  expressed  the  opinion,  that  certain  names  on  the  Ver- 
lazano  Map  have  an  Italian  as  well  as  a  French  reference.  This  view  has  been 
strengthened  by  a  careful  comparison  of  the  map  with  the  map  of  the  coasts  of 
Illyria  and  Dalmalia,  referred  to  in  the  Letter,  and  where  are  found  such  names  as 
"  L  Cervi."  "  L  Lunga,"  "  IJelvidere  "  and  "  Palmanuova."  The  latter  may  be  the 
correct  reiidering  of  tlie  obscurely  written  word  which  we  have  given  as  "  Palam- 
sina,"  while  "bomuetto"  may  be  "  Bonivetto,"  after  the  Italian  Admiral.  In 
the  sketch  of  the  Verrazano  Map  given  in  our  combination  sketch,  several  letters, 
"articularly  obscure  in  the  ori,.^inal,  are  marked  by  dots. 


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BIHLIOGRAPHY  OF  VERRAZANO 

The  fust  printed  account  of  the  Voyage  of  Verrazano  is  found  in  Ramusio's 
"  Navagationi  et  Viaggi,"  Venice,  1556,  III.,  p.  350.  It  is  entitled,  '•  Relatione  di 
Giovanni  da  Vcrrazanno  Fiorentino  della  terra  per  lui  Scoperta  in  nome  di  sua 
Maesta.,  scritta  in  Dieppa,  adi  8  Lu-lio  M.D.XXIIII."  It  is  alluded  to  in  the 
same  volume,  p.  352.  in  the  "  Discorso  d'un  gran  Capitano  de  mare  Francese." 
Belleforest.  in  his  •' Histoire  Universelle,"  1570,  Book  IV.,  gives  details.  The 
Letter  of  Verrazano  to  Francis  I.  was  translanted  by  Hakluyt  in  his  "  Divers 
Voyages,"  London,  1582,  which  also  contains  Laudoniere's  reference  to  Verrazano. 
The  same  Letter,  slightly  revised,  appears  in  his  "Navigations,"  Vol.  III.  p.  295, 
Ed.  1660.  Linschoten  notices  Verrazano  in  his  "Discourse  of  Voyages,"  1598, 
p.  217.  See  also  the  Voyage  in  Herrera,  "Historia  General,"  1601.  D.  III.  L.  vi. 
c.  9.  Wytfliet  follows  in  his  work  of  1603,  p.  100.  De  Laet's  "  Histoire  du  Xou- 
veau  Monde,"  1603,  p.  100,  makes  mention  of  the  Voyage.  In  1661  Dudley,  in 
his  '•  Arcano  del  iMare,"  published  at  Florence,  \'ol.  II.  chap.  vi.  p.  29,  makes  an 
allusion  to  the  Voyage,  saying,  "  E  tronuo  allora  degl'  Indiani,  che  pigliauano  del 
tobacco  in  fumo  con  la  pipa."  In  1706  the  Voyage  appears  in  Vander  Aa's  Col-^ 
lection,  published  at  Leyden,  in  Dutch.  Vol.  X,  devotes  thirty-one  pages  to  the  '' 
subject,  and  gives  a  plate.  "  Uomini  Ilhistri  Toscani,"  Florence,  1768,  Vol.  II. 
contains  the  ])ortrait  of  Verrazano  with  a  eulogy.  Barcia,  in  his  "  Essayo  Chrono- 
logico,"  Madrid,  1726,  folio  8,  refers  10  Verrazano.  Annibale  Caro,  in  a 
Hieronimo  da  Verrazano,  written  from  Sicily.  October  13,  15^,, 
in  "  De  lettere  famihari  "  of  Caro,  Venice,  Vol.  I.  p.  6.  Ed.  15 Si, Voters  to  the  Map 
of  the  Voyage.  Tiraboschi,  in  his  "  Storia  della  Li'tcratura  Italiana  "  ^Mantua, 
1771-82),  calls  attention  to  the  Voyage,  and  mentions  the  co!)v  of  tlie  Letter,  with 
its  Appendix,  in  the  Strozzi  Lil)ra.yat  Florence.  Foster's*'' Di.scoveries  in  the 
North,"  p.  43,  treats  of  the  Voyage.  In  De  Murr's  Life  of  Beliaim,  Gotha,  iSoi, 
p.  28,  there  is  a  notice  of  the  Map,  mentioned  by  Cardinal  Borgia,  in  a  letter  to  De 
Murr,  of  January  31,  1795.  Lock's  notice  is  found  in  Clark's  "  Progress  of  Mari- 
time Discovery,"  London,  1803,  p.  130  ;  and  the  Map  is  mentioned  in  Millin's  "  En- 
cyclopedique,"  Vol.  LXVIIL,  1S07,  The  North  American  Review,  October,  1S37, 
cont.iined  an  article  on  "The  Life  and  Voyages  of  Verrazzano,"  by  George  W. 
Greene;  reprinted  in  "  Historical  Studies,"  New  York,  1S50,  p.  321.  Some 
account  of  the  Voyage  appears  in  Bancroft's  "United  States."  Vol.  I.  p.  17,  Ed. 
1839.  The  New  York  Historical  Society,  1841,  Vol.  I.  S.  2,  p.  37,  of  its  Collection, 
gives  the  Text  of  tlie  Letter,  according  to  the  Magliabecchian  manuscript,  this  copy 


letter  to 
,j/,  and  published 


IV 


lilBLIOGKAI'llY    OF   VEKKAZANO 


1 
4 


having  been  made  at  the  instance  of  Prof.  Greene.  It  accompanies  an  English 
Translation  by  Dr.  Cogswell,  who  also  furnishes  a  preliminary  notice.  The  "  Sag- 
giatore,"  Rome,  1S44,  Vol.  I.  p.  257,  contains  Prof.  Greene's  Essay  with  the 
Carli  Letter.  In  1S50,  Shillinglaw  referred  to  the  Voyagf  in  his  "Narrative  of 
.\rctic  Discovery,"  p.  30.  Thoraassy  published  an  account  of  the  maj)  in  "  Nou- 
velles  Annates  des  Voyages,"  Paris,  1852,  reprinted  the  samj  year  as  "  I.es  Pajes 
Gcogrnphes,"  etc..  and  in  1S53  Prof.  Greene's  essays,  with  a  dissertation  by  Arch 
angel,  was  reprinted  in  "  Archivio  .Storico,  "  Florence,  Vol.  IX.  Erri//,o,  in  "  Sco- 
perti.  Artiche,"  Venice,  1S55,  p.  141,  makes  an  allusion  to  the  Voyage.  The 
Voyage  is  noticed  in  Asher's  "Henry  Hudson,"  Hakluyt  Society,  1S60,  p.  Ixxix. 

The  next  publication  on  this  subject  was  of  a  character  adverse  to  the  Voyage 
of  \'errazano,  and  but  for  its  i)ublication  little  of  what  followed  would  have 
appeared.  This  v,-as  "An  Ir.ciuiry  into  the  Authenticity  of  documents  concerning 
a  discovery  in  \orth  America,"  claimed  to  have  been  made  by  Verrazano,  read 
before  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  Tuesday,  October  4th,  1864,  by  Buck- 
ingham Smith,  Xew  York,  1S64,  p.  31,  with  a  section  of  tiie  Globe  of  Vlpius. 
This  i^amphlet  included  a  translation  of  the  Carli  Letter.  The  Inquiry  was 
reviewed  by  its  author  in  "The  Historical  Magazine,"  Vol.  IX.  p.  169,  under 
the  head  of  "Verrazano  as  a  Discoverer."  In  Vol.  X.  p.  299,  he  also  gave  some 
notes  on  the  Map.  Dr.  Kohl,  in  Vol.  I.  p.  249,  2d  series,  of  the  Collections  of 
the  Maine  Historical  Society,  1S69.  has  an  account  of  the  Voyage.  See,  also, 
Stevens'  Historical  and  Geographical  X^otes,"  1S69,  p.  36;  followed  by  "The 
Northmen  in  Maine,"  by  B.  F.  De  Costa;  Albany,  1870,  pp.  149.  Afterwards 
attention  was  directed  to  the  subject  by  President  Daly,  of  the  American  Geo- 
graphical Society,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Thos.  E.  Davis,  at  Rome,  jiublished  in  the  Bul- 
letin of  the  Society,  1871,  p.  So.  This  letti.  secured  a  jjhotographic  copy  of  the 
Map  of  Hieronimo  da  Verrazano,  which  .\.r.  Brevoort  used.  Then  appeared 
"  Verrazano,  the  Navigator,  or  Xotes  on  Giovanni  da  Verrazano,  and  on  a  plani- 
sphere of  1529,  illustrating  his  American  Voyage  in  1524,  with  a  reduced  copy  of 
the  Map.  A  paper  read  before  the  American  Geographical  Society  of  New  York, 
by  J.  C.  Brevoort,  a  member  of  the  Society."  New  York,  1874,  8vo,  pp.  159. 
This  was  favorably  noticed  by  F.  H.  Norton,  in  the  New  York  Commercial  Adver- 
tiser, 1875.  Next  appeared,  in  opposition  to  the  Voyage,  and  to  the  paper  of  Mr. 
Brevoort,  "  The  Voyage  of  X'errazz^ano ;  A  Chapter  in  the  Early  History  of 
Maritime  Discovery  in  America,"  by  Henry  C.  Murphy.  New  York,  1S75,  8vo, 
pp.  198,  4.  The  Nation,  January  27th,  contained  a  notice  of  this  work  ;  and  the 
"  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register"  for  January,  1876,  con- 
tained a  favorable  notice,  which  called  out  from  B.  F.  De  Costa  "  Verrazzano  ;  A 
Motion  for  the  Stay  of  Judgment."  New  York,  1S76,  pp.  16  ;  this  being  a  reprint 
from  the  "  Charlestown  Advertiser."  The  "  Nation,"  of  New  York,  Dec.  7, 
1876,  contained  a  favorable  notice  of  the  "Motion."  The  "Revue  Critique," 
Paris,  January,  1876,  contained  copies  of  two  powers  of  attorney,  of  importance 


1 


BIBLIOGRAPHY    OF   VERRAZANO 


in  connection  with  the  subject,  aflcr.varjs  print.d  wiii:  Englis'a  inuislatious  as 
an  Appendix  to  Murphy's  "  Voyage  of  Vcrrazzano."  The  "  licvue  Criti'iue  " 
also  contained  a  ]>artially  favorable  notice  of  Mr.  Murphy's  work,  by  Mr.  Henry 
Harrisse.  The  "  (icograjihical  Magazine,"  London,  1S76,  January,  had  a  favor- 
able notice  of  Mr.  Murphy's  book  ;  and  L'Eco  dTtalia,  New  York.  May  9th, 
1S76,  contained  an  unfavorable  notice  ;  followed  by  an  equally  unfa\-orable 
notice,  by  Mr.  Major,  in  the  "  Pall  Mall  Cazette,  of  May  26th,  187^),  which  was 
reprinted  in  the  "  C.eographical  Magazine  "  for  July,  1S76.  The  "  Amei  can  Church 
Review,"  July.  1S76,  contained  another  adverse  review  of  Mr.  Murphy,  by  B.  F. 
De  Costa.  See  "  Verrazzano  "  in  Lulletin  No.  39,  p.  137,  Boston  Public  Library, 
1S76.  The  student  may  also  find  observations  by  Mr.  Charles  Deane,  in  Vol.  IL 
p.  219,  2d  S.,  of  the  i\Laine  Society's  Collections,  1S77.  "  'Ihe  Globe  of  \'lpius, 
1542,"  1S7S,  I).  S,  was  a  reprint  formed  of  some  notes  of  a  Paper  on  '"  Tlie  Clobe 
of  Eujjhrosynus  Vlpius,  1542,  in  its  relation  to  the  TkLaj)  of  Ilieronimo  ^'erra- 
zano,  1529."  The  pajier  was  read  before  the  New  York  Historical  Society, 
by  B.  F.  De  Costa,  on  the  evening  of  Dec.  4th,  1878.  The  daily  press 
of  New  York  for  December  5th,  contained  notices  of  tlie  Lecture.  It  was  also 
noticed,  Dec  Sth,  1S7S,  in  "L'Eco  d'ltalia."  'J"he  Newport  "Mercury,"  of 
March  2Sth,  1S7S,  contain'i'd  an  abstract  of  this  Lecture,  showing  the  connection 
of  Verrazano  with  that  place.  The  ''  Compte-Rendu  "  of  the  "  Congres  Inter- 
national des  Americanistes,"  Vol.  I,  1878,  p.  535,  has  a  note  in  defense  of  the 
Voyage  of  Verrazano,  criticising  Mr.  Murphy's  work  adversely.  The  "  Magazine 
of  American  History,"  1S7S,  contained,  in  February,  "The  Letter  of  Verrazano," 
in  May,  "The  Voyage  of  Verrazano,"  and  in  August,  'The  Verrazano  Maji." 
The  Boston  "Daily  Advertiser,"  Sept.  24th,  1S7S,  contained  an  .-ditorial  referring 
to  these  articles.  Afterward  followed  an  article  in  the  "  Magazine  of  American 
History,"  January,  1S79,  on  "  The  Globe  of  Vlpius."  in  its  relation  to  the  voyage. 
The  four  articles,  in  a  revised  form,  with  this  Bibliograph>,  are  combined  in 
"  Verrazano  the  E.xplorer,  "  A.  S.  Barnes  &  Co.,  New  York,  1881.  See  "Memo- 
rial History  of  Boston,"  1880,  ])p.   32-35,  41-44. 

Notices  of  the  Voyage  of  ^'errazano  may  be  found  also  in  Biographical  Dic- 
tionaries and  Encyclopedias,  and  in  such  works  as  Brodhead's  History  of  New 
York,  the  Gay-Bryant  History  of  the  United  States,  Miss  Booth's  History  of  New 
York,  and  Mrs.  Martha  J.  Lamb's  History  of  New  York.  Verrazano  is  also  men- 
tioned in  the  principal  school  histories.  The  long  list  of  works  already  given, 
however,  embraces  nearly  everything  of  a  critical  character  that  has  come  to  the 
notice  of  the  writer,  and  may  perhaps  serve  every  purpose  of  the  investigator. 


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VERRAZAXO  VIXDICATED 


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THE  LETTER  OF  VERRAZANO 

GIOVANNI  da  Vcrrazan.)  was  born  at  \'al  di  Grcve,  a  little  vilhffe 
near  Florence,  about  the  year  1485.  being  the  son  of  Piero  Andrea 
cIi  Bernardo  da  Verrazano  and  Fiamctta  Capella.     The  portrait 
of  the  Italian  Nav.-ator  wiiicli  accompanies  this  discussion  is  reproduced 
Irom  the  representation  found  in  "  Uomini  lUustri  Toscani,"  which  was 
copied  from  a  painting  in  the  Royal  Gallery  at  Florence.     A  search  re 
cently  mstitutcd  failed  to  bring  the  original  portrait  to  light.     An  attempt 
to  hnd  a  copy  of  the  medal  that  was  struck  hi  his  honor  met  with  no  bet- 
ter success.     The  last  member  of  the  family  in  Florence  was  Cavaliere 
Andrea  da  \  errazano,  who  died  in   1S19.     There  is  nothing  either  to 
prove  or  to  disprove  the  authenticity  of  the  p<.rtrait.  and  the  presumption 
is  in  favor  of  its  authenticity.     It  is  now  faithfulh-  reproduced  for  the 
nrst  time,  though  on  a  diminished  scale. 

In  his  mature  years,  after  some  experience  upon  the  Mediterranean 
\  en-azano  entered  the  service  of  Francis  I.  of  France,  and  became 
amous  as  a  privateer  or  corsair,  a  profession  sufiicientlv  respectable  at 
that  period,  having  been  followed  by  manv  great  navigators.  In  i;->, 
\  errazano  captured  several  ships  bringing  to  Spain  the  Treasures  of 
Montezuma.  This  act  m  particular  excited  the  enmitv  of  the  Spaniards 
who  constantly  sought  for  an  opportunity  to  get  him  into  their  power' 
n  1524  he  made  Ins  voyage  to  America.  In  15.7,  it  has  been  maintained; 
he  was  captured  by  the  Spaniards  and  hung  at  Colmenar,  near  Toledo 

tared  bj  the  savages,  roasted  and  eaten.  In  the  year  ,870  the  present 
writer  accepted  and  published  the  story  of  his  execution,  as  told  in  ce  - 
tain  tspanish  documents  since  published 

to  hlT"^f  v'''  ^'-^^""'"^"t^  ^^  the  affidavit  of  the  officer  who  professed 

0  have  pu    A  errazano  to  death.     It  was  nevertheless  noticed  that  the 

language  of  the  officer  apppeared  needlessly  positive.     Of  late  evidence 

has  come  to  light  which  may  yet  be  accepted  as  disproving  the  s  ate. 


THE    LETTER    riF   VERRA2ANO 


.. 


mentsof  the  Spanish  ot'ficinl,  who  possibly  dcccivctl  himself  In  supposing 
that  Vcrrazano  had  been  captured  ;  or,  what  is  still  more  likclv,  deceived 
others,  and,  while  professint;  to  have  executed  the  Florentine,  accepted 
the  bribe  which  he  declares  was  refused,  and  thus  let  him  <;o.  This  sub- 
ject, however,  is  one  that  must  be  left  for  future  investiijation. 

Anotlicr  member  of  the  same  Florentine  familv,  a  brother  of  (iiovanni, 
was  named  Hieronimo.  This  person  was  the  author  nf  the  Maj)  which 
relates  to  Giovanni's  \'ovai,''e. 

The  subject  of  Verrazano's  Voyai;^  beinj^  reserved  for  a  separate 
chapter,  let  us  at  once  proceed  t(j  the  Letter  which  describes  the 
Vi  >ya_i(e. 

The  first  known  Post-Columbian  description  of  the  North  Atlantic 
Coast  is  i^iven  by  ^'errazano  in  a  Letter  to  Francis  L,  which  has  exercised 
a  marked  influence  for  more  than  thi-ee  hundred  years.  Nevertheless 
the  authenticity  of  this  Letter  has  recently  been  questioned.  The  objec- 
tion based  upon  an  alleged  absence  of  contemporaneous  reference  to  the 
voyage  might  be  dismissed  with  the  simple  observation,  that  the  charge  is 
unfounded.  Still  something  will  be  said  on  this  i)oint.  In  this  connection, 
it  has  been  urged  by  the  late  Buckingham  Smith,  the  first  of  the  two 
writers  who  have  criticised  the  letter  adversely,  that  neither  the  Letter  nor 
the  Voyage  is  mentioned  by  Admiral  Chabot  in  his  letters  of  1525.  This, 
however,  is  not  remarkable,  since  the  vovage  of  \'crrazano  was  under- 
taken before  he  entered  ujion  his  office,  which  was  in  1526,  while  after- 
wards an  expedition  was  sent  out  under  his  own  administration,  the  ex- 
pedition being  led  by  Cartier,  1534.  The  latter  was  the  expedition  that 
he  would  naturally  recognize,  though  there  is  no  proof  that  he  did  ;/('/ 
recognize  that  of  Verrazano,  with  wlujm  he  was  associated  in  a  projected 
voyage  to  the  Indies  in  1526  or  later. 

Mr.  Smith  has  asked,  respecting  the  voyage,  "  11  there  were  any  lame 
of  the  sort,  why  should  France  choose  to  settle  her  population  so  far  to 
the  North,  preferring  the  cold  regions  her  fishermen  were  conceded  to 
have  found,  to  the  milder  climate,  fertile  vales,  and  inviting  bavs  and 
water  courses  of  New  England  and  New  York?"  We  have  onlv  to  ask 
in  reply,  Wh\-  Spain  proposed  the  colonization  and  fortification  of  the 
Straits  of  ^L^gellan  ?  The  Fi-cnch  supjtoscd  that  the  route  to  Cathay 
led  tlu'ough  Canada.  Frobisher  adv(jcatcd  the  same  policy  on  the  part 
of  the  English. 

In  this  connection  it  should,  however,  be  remembered  that  the 
archives  of  France,  much  less  those  of  other  countries,  have  not  been 
searched  faithfully,  and,  also,  that  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century 


THL  m:iti:r  ci   \  kuka/ano 


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vs'as  an  inoi)portiiiic  time  lor  tlic  publication  <>t  tlic  results  dt  maritime 
enterprise.  The  records  of  Dieppe  siiiTercd  much  in  the  homli.inlmcnt 
o(  1694.  while  the  archives  of  La  I\oche!lc  were  completely  destroyed  by 
fire.  The  sixteenth  century  opened  gloomily  with  the  contirmatiun  of 
the  claim  of  Spain  to  the  entire  North  American  Continent  by  Alex- 
ander \'l..  and  the  first  ([uarter  of  the  century  was  hardly  completed 
when  Francis  I.  l(nmd  himself  lani^aushii..j  in  prison,  whence  lie  emerged 
onlv  to  find  societv  in  a  state  of  confusion,  lleylin.  wrilini;-  in  1669, 
well  observes  lespectini,^  the  inattention  to  the  voyay^e,  that  the  people, 
"too  much  in  love  with  the  |)lcasures  of  France,  or  entangled  in  civil 
wars  amongst  themselves,  looked  no  farth.er  after  it." 

At  the  time  \'errazano  undertook  his  voyage,  every  movement  con- 
nected with  the  French  Marine  was  watched  with  a  jealous  eye.  He 
was  obliged  to  leave  stealthily,  and  excuse  his  action  by  the  statement 
that  he  had  discovered  a  country  never  before  seen  by  Europeans. 

Only  two  Italian  versions  of  the  Letter  of  \'errazano  are  known  to 
exist,  one  of  these  having  been  published  by  Ramusio,  at  \'enice.  in  155''', 
and  the  Carli  versi<jn  first  mentioned  in  1767,  and  published  bv  the  New 
York  Historical  Society  in  1S41.  Ramusio  docs  not  say  where  he  found 
his  copy,  but  observes  that  it  was  the  only  one  of  Vcrrazano's  letters  to 
tlie  King  of  France  that  he  could  procure,  "  because  the  others  were  de- 
stro3-ed  during  the  sack  of  the  poor  citv  of  Florence."  The  Carli  version, 
which  had  been  referred  to  in  1667,  was  found  in  the  jNLagliabechian  Li- 
brary at  Florence.  It  was  introduced  to  the  public  in  1837  bv  Professor 
Greene,  and  printed  in  full  in  the  year  1841.  In  his  article  in  the  North 
American  Review,  Professor  Greene  observed  that  he  was  struck  by  the 
difference  of  language  in  the  t.vo  versions,  though  "in  substance,"  the 
differences  were  not  imjKjrtant.  Nevertheless,  hnding  that  tlie  Carli  vcr. 
sion  contained  more  matter  than  that  of  Ramusio,  he  expressed  the  opin- 
ion, in  passing,  that  the  Italian  Editor  worked  the  piece  over  anew  before 
placing  it  in  his  collection  of  Voyages;  though  he  could  not  explain  whv 
Ramusio  omitted  the  cosmographical  part,  if  he  knew  of  its  existence. 
The  suggestion  that  Ramusio  worked  the  Letter  over  appears  to  have 
been  made  without  due  consideration.  It  has  never  been  supported  by 
any  proof.  Nevertheless  the  statements  of  Professor  Greene  have  been 
seized  upon  to  work  out  a  theorv  in  opposition  to  the  authenticity  of  the 
Letter.  If  it  were  conceded  that  the  Carli  version  furnished  the  text  of 
Ramusio's,  no  discredit  would  be  thnjwn  upon  the  authenticity  of  the 
original.  This  was  not  intended  by  Professor  Greene,  who  accepted  the 
Letter,  as  describing  a  genuine   voyage.     But   the   objector  improves 


8 


THE   LETTER   OF   VERRAZANO 


upon  the  supposition,  by  attcm|itiiiL,''  to  show  that  llic  Littir  was  a  forg- 
ery, tlie  weak  points  of  wliich  Kaniusio  was  endeavoring  to  conceal. 
The  charge  against  Ramusio,  the  Ilaivluyt  of  Italy,  becomes  a  serious 
one.  and  demands  notice  here,  both  to  vindicate  his  text,  and  to  defend 
his  menmry.  It  is  perfectly  true  that  the  twcj  versions  are  not  wholly 
alike.  It  is  of  no  consequence  whether  they  arc  alike  or  not.  Still  the 
existing  differences  may  be  explained  readily  when  we  remember  that 
we  are  not  dealing  witii  originals.  When  tliev  are  referred  to  an  orig. 
inal  version,  the  difiiculties,  if  any  exist,  at  once  vanish. 

All  illustratit)n  of  this  is  found  in  connection  with  AUefonscc.  Ilak- 
luyt,  when  translating  Allefonsce,  makes  him  say  that  tigs  grow  in 
Canada,  while  anr)thcr  translation  represents  him  as  saying  that  Canada 
extends  to  the  land  tif  Figuicr.  Without  the  original  to  refer  to,  one 
might  say  that  the  latter  was  worked  over  from  the  former  to  conceal  the 
ignorance  of  Allefonsce.  Again,  in  the  printed  version  of  Allefonsce  of 
1559,  it  is  said  that  certain  people  in  New  England,  at  Xorumbega,  are 
"  small  and  blackish,"  while  a  recent  translation  declares  that  they  arc 
"  large  and  handsome."  Was  the  author  of  the  latter  version  still  "  work- 
ing over"  the  narrative  of  Allefonsce  to  conceal  his  ignorance,  as  Ramusio 
is  alleged  to  have  done  with  Verrazano's?  Fortunately  the  original  is 
now  known,  and  the  explanation  is  easy,  though  in  the  time  of  Lescarbot 
(1609)  such  was  not  the  case,  and  Allefonsce  was  discredited.  At  the 
end  of  more  than  two  centuries  and  a  half,  we  find  that  the  strictures  of 
the  witty  Mark  Lescarbot  were  undeserved,  and  possibly  Vcrrazano 
and  his  Italian  Editor  may  both  be  obliged  to  wait  an  equally  long  period 
for  a  full  explanation.  The  prospect,  however,  need  deter  no  one  from 
attempting  justice  now. 

The  Letter  of  Carli,  which  accompanies  the  Magliabechian  version, 
deserves  independent  consideration,  as  it  contains  internal  evidence  prov- 
ing that  it  was  written  at  the  time  and  under  the  circumstances  alleged. 
An  attempt  has  indeed  been  made  to  treat  it  with  ridicule  ;  but,  if  it  were 
the  forgery  of  a  late  period,  as  the  theory  of  the  objector  supposes,  it 
must  still  be  explained  h^w  the  forger  came  to  know  the  fact  that  Francis 
I.  was  daily  expected  at  Lyons,  upon  the  Fourth  of  August  1524.  Mon- 
cado,  witli  whom  Carli  served,  knew  of  the  movements  of  Francis  {Doi-. 
Inec/ifos  XXIV.  p.  403)  and,  curiously,  Carli  refers  to  Moncado  in  his 
letter.  Since,  therefore,  these  tuvj  persons  were  not  in  communication, 
it  would  appear  iliat  both  obtained  the  information  at  the  time. 

In  approaching  ihe  two  versions  of  the  Letter  of  A'crrazano,  the  critic 
must  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that  neither  version  proposes  to  be  more  than 


J 


I 


TIIL   LETTER   W  VEliKA/.ANO 


a  irauslation  of  a  copy  of  a  copy  the  onj^inal  not  being  found.  The 
i«riyin  of  tlie  Carli  version  is  c'xplaiiic<l  by  tlie  letter  referred  to,  written 
August  4tli,  15-4,  at  Lvoiis,  by  Fernando  Carli,  who  savs  that,  with  his 
own,  addressed  to  his  father  at  Florence,  he  sends  a  copy  of  Vcrrazano's, 
descri!;.ing  the  voyage,  then  just  finished. 

An  ;  '■tempt  has  also  been  made  to  prove  tliat  upon  August  4th 
Carli  could  not  have  obtained  a  copy  of  a  letter  addressed  to  I'rancis  I. 
in  the  beginning  of  July;  but  there  is  nothing  in  it.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  notion  that  Ramusio  created  his  version  from  Carli's  is  not  supported 
by  any  argument.  It  is,  in  fact,  an  assumption  that  might  be  dismissed, 
fur  the  reason  that  it  is  an  assumption.  But  what  is  worse,  it  is  opposed 
and  refuted  by  all  the  literary  testimony  that  is  brought  to  beur  upon  this 
distinctly  literary  cpiestion.  To  this  point,  therefore,  let  us  give  our  at- 
tention. The  stvle  of  Ramusio's  version  is  less  rude  than  the  Carli  ver- 
sion,  but  mere  improvement  in  style  could  not  have  been  an  object  in  this 
case.  If  it  were  true  that  Ramusio  knew  of  the  existence  of  the  Carli 
version,  with  its  cosmographical  appendix  and  accompanying  letter,  he 
would  have  been  guilty  of  falsehood  in  speaking  of  his  copy  alone  as  "  this 
little  that  has  reached  us." 

Some  of  the  differences  in  the  two  versions  have  been  noticed,  and 
have  been  referred  to  as  unimportant,  which  in  a  sense  is  true.  Those 
that  are  to  be  pointed  out  for  the  first  time  arc  likewise  unimportant  in 
themselves.  They  become  of  consequence  only  when  studied  in  con- 
nection with  the  assumption  that  the  version  of  Ramusio  was  drawn  from 
Carli"s. 

Amongst  the  variations  already  noted  arc  the  following :  Ramusio's 
version,  describing  the  natives,  in  latitude  34"  N.,  says  that  they  \\r\^ 
"  brownish  and  not  much  unlike  Saracens,"  while  Carli's  version  sa\", 
"  black  and  not  much  different  frf)m  Ethiopeans."  Again,  with  reference 
to  the  grapes  referred  to  by  Vcrrazano,  Ramusio's  version  reads,  "hav- 
ing often  seen  the  fruit  t'ucre(jf  dried,  which  was  sweet  and  pleasant," 
the  Carli  version  saying,  "  wc  have  often  seen  the  gr.ipes  which  thcv  pro- 
duce, very  sweet  and  pleasant,"  or,  as  another  translation  of  the  same 
version  reads,  "  tasting  the  fruit  many  times,  we  perceived  it  was  sweet 
and  pleasant."  Again  the  Ramusio  version  savs,  with  reference  to  the. 
nortiicrn  extension  of  the  voyage,  '"We  approached  the  hiud  that  ir 
times  past  was  discovered  by  the  Bretons,  which  is  in  fifty  degrees," 
while  the  Carli  version  says  that  they  reached  the  fiftieth  degree,  and 
that  "  bcvond  this  point  the  Portuguese  had  already  sailed  as  far  north 
as  tlie  Arctic  circle."     That  there  is  anything  in  the  Carli  version  demand 


1, 


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THE   LETTER   OF   \ ERRAZANO 


ing  change,  is  simiily  imagination  ;  wiiilc  a  carclul  C(jnsiclcratii)ii  oi  the 
Ramusio  version  shows  that  the  ideas  expressed  are  not  essentially  dili'erent 
from  the  former.  There  is,  tlieret'ore.  nothing  iiere  to  indicate  that  Ramu- 
sio ever  saw  the  Carli  version.  The  color  of  the  American  Indians  was 
well  known  ;  the  term  employed  in  the  Carli  version  for  tasting  the  grapes 
{In-onlo,  sucking)  was  the  one  to  be  employed  in  tasting  dried  fruits ;  while, 
with  respect  to  the  extent  of  the  Portuguese  and  French  voyages,  Carli 
savs  that  the  former  began  at  50°  N.,  and  Ramusio  teaches,  in  substance, 
that  the  French  reached  that  latitude.  Let  us,  therefore,  consider  cer- 
tain variations  that  are  more  to  the  point. 

In  the  Ramusio  version  the  reader  will  notice  that  the  personal  address 
to  the  King  is  used  oftener  than  in  that  of  Carli.  and  that  the  former  is 
also  different.  Ranuisio  generally  says,  '•  your  Majesty  "  {J'ostnr  UTaesia) 
and  Carli,  "your  most  serene  and  most  Christian  Majestv  "  {J'osira  ser- 
tiinissiina  ct  cristianissima  Macstii).  In  two  cases  the  former's  version 
varies  from  "  your  Majesty,"  by  adding  C/irisiiaiiissiina  Re,  in  parenthesis, 
or  simplv  C/iristianissivio,  In  Ramusio  the  address  occurs  eleven  times, 
and  in  the  Carli  version  seven  times;  and  since  no  reason  can  be  assigned 
for  such  variations  on  the  part  of  Ramusio,  they  cannot  be  attributed  to 
him.  The  Venetian  Secretary  was  a  man  with  a  purpose.  Besides, 
these  examples  of  the  excessive  use  of  terms  occur  in  the  earl)-  portion 
of  the  Letter,  while  farther  on,  where  literary  taste  or  courtesy  might 
suggest  the  interpolation  ()f  "your  Majestv,"  the  address  is  i^uTiiting. 
Th.s  is  something  that  Ramusio  would  have  noticed,  since,  according  to 
the  objector,  he  even  changed  the  version  of  Carli  from  J'osfj-ei  clarissima 
genetricc  to  vostra  Serenissivia  Lladre.  Here,  however,  if  Ramusio  had  been 
engaged  in  revising  th  '  text,  we  might  reasonably  expect  the  courtly 
Venetian  Secretary,  tra  ncd  as  he  was  in  the  careful  use  of  forms,  to  have 
said  your  Majesty  s  illustrious  mother. 

This  was  so  clear  to  Dr.  Cogswell,  that  in  translating  he  supplied 
the  term  om.itted  ly  both  of  the  clumsy  versions,  and  he  writes  "your 
Majesty's  illustrious  mother."  (N.  Y.  Hist.  Coll.  Vol.  \.  p.  46,  C.  19.) 
In  another  place  he  reduces  the  verbiage  of  "  your  most  serene  and  Chris- 
tian ]NLajesty,"  to  "your  Majesty."  But  in  these  cases  he  is  translating, 
not  revising,  and  he  gives  the  original  for  comparison.  In  translating 
from  Ramusio,  Ilakluyt,  by  mistake,  once  introduces  "your  Majesty" 
where  it  does  not  belong.  The  variations  in  the  two  texts  under  consid- 
eration are,  therefore,  the  works  either  of  Vcrrazano  himself  or  his  trans- 
lators and  copyists. 


\ 


; 


71IK    LLTTEK   OF   VEKKA/A.NU 


II 


Av;a\n  Ciii-li's  version  says,  "  we  set  sail  from  a  desert  rock,"  while 
Raniusio  reads,  "  by  the  <,n-ace  of  God  \vc  set  sail."  The  former  says  that 
there  was  a  certain  depth  of  water  •■  without  liux  or  reflux,"  {Sciiza /lusso 
e  rcjiitsso]  which  is  <goo<\  enough  Tuscan,  while  the  latter  says,  "  without 
fhix  "  (scnza  jlusso).  These  variations  are  trifliny  in  themselves,  but  they 
are  of  a  character  which  forbids  us  to  refer  them  to  the  \'enetian.  Like- 
wise, Carli  says  that  the  woods  in  America  are  not  like  "the  rough 
wilds  of  Scythia,"  while  Ramusio  says,  '•  the  wild  deserts  of  Tartary." 
Again,  in  speaking  (jf  the  resemblance  of  a  part  r )f  the  American  coast  to 
the  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  the  Carli  version  reads,  '•  the  Adriatic  gulf 
near  Illyria  and  Dalmatia,"  while  the  Ramusio  version  says  "  Sclavonia 
and  Dalmatia."  '  Scythia  was  included  in  Tartary,  and  Illyria  was 
inhabited  by  Sclavonians,  who  were  widely  distributed.  The  terms 
employed  are  such  as  might  properly  be  used  by  two  translators,  while 
those  of  Ramusio  are  manifestly  not  the  terms  that  would  have  been 
substituted  by  a  critic  engaged  in  making  improvements. 

Carli  says,  referring  to  \'errazano's  preliminary  expedition,  "we  made 
a  cruise  in  them  [the  ships]  well  armed  along  the  coast  of  Spain,  as  your 
Majesty  must  have  heard,"  while  Ramusio  reads,  "we  took  our  course 
along  the  coast  of  Spain,  as  your  Majesty  shall  understand  by  the  proht 
we  received  thereby.""  Sound  criticism  will  not  refer  these'changes  to 
Ramusio. 

It  is  also  to  be  noticed  that  Carli's  version  says  of  the  voyage,  that 
the  first  twenty-five  days  Verrazano  sailed  in  a  westerly  direction,  mak- 
ing eight  hundred  leagues,  while  Ramusio  says  five  hundred  leagues. 
Then  the  former  says  a  storm  came  February  24th,  while  the  latter^says 
the  20th.  After  the  storm,  Carli's  version  says  that  they  ran  four  lum- 
dred  leagues  in  twenty-four  days,  while  Ramusio's  says  twenty-five.  In 
speaking  of  the  distance  run  upon  the  American  coast,  Carli's  version 
reads,  "  seven  hundred  "  leagues,  while  Ramusio's  reads,  "  seven  hundred 
or  more.  At  the  same  time  the  courses  given  by  the  latter  foot  up  only 
six  hundred  and  sixty-five.  Again,  Carli's  version,  speaking  of  the  wind 
during  the  first  course  sailed  westward,  the  following  language  is  used  : 
"Sailing  westward  with  a  light  and  pleasant  easterly  breeze,"  {per  r.cffiro 
spirando  subsolano  con  dolcc  c  soavc  Icvita)  while  Ramusio's  says:  "  Sailing 
westward  with  a  fair  easterly  wind,"  {per  Poneutc  navigando  con  vcnto  di 
LcvanW ^  assai  piacevok.)  All  this  is  attributed  to  a  scholar  and  critic 
imiiii,»'ing  the  version ! 

But  we  have  not  done  with  these  variations,  for  the  Carli  version, 
after  describing  the  natives  seen  at  their  first  landing  in  latitude  34°  N,, 


12 


THE  LETTER  OF  VERKAZANO 


says,  "  We  found  not  far  from  these  people  another  wliose  mode  of  life  \vc 
judge  to  be  similar."     The  version  of  Rannisio  adds  to  this,  "  as  hereafter 
1  will  declare  to  your  Majesty,  showing  now  the  situation  and  nature  of 
the  aforesaid  land."     If  Ramusio  worked  o'er  the  Carii  version  to  pro- 
duce his  tnvn,  he  must  have  interpolated  this  sentence.     And  if  so,  why  ? 
If  anv  changes  were  made,  they  were  designed  to  rcndei-  the  sense  clearer, 
or  to  remove  objections.     But  this  addition  does  neither.     The    latter 
limb  of  the  sentence  is  superfluous,  while  at  the  same  time,  it  refers  to 
nothing  found  in  either  the  Letter  or  Appendix,  and  on  the  whole,  ob- 
scures the  text.     It  might  indeed  be  said  that  the  phrase  indicated  au  in- 
tention to  write  an  additional  Letter,  but  it  is  more  reasonable,  however, 
to  understand  him  as  intending  to  describe  the  "  other  people"  in  their 
proper  place  in  the  present  communication.     In  that  case,  the  explana- 
tion of  the  omission  to  do  so  is  simple.     At  the  end  of  the  voyage  Verra- 
zano  wrote  to   the    King,   currciite  calamo,   depending   in    this  general 
account  more  or  less  upon  recollection.     When  he  came  to  speak  of  the 
people  first  seen,  by  the  law  of  association,  they  suggested  a  similar  people 
not  far  distant ;  but,  as  the  description  of  the  countrj-  occupied  by  the 
former  demanded  the  first  place,  he  proceeded  to  his  work  in  regula'- 
order,  simply  observing  that  hereafter  he  would  describe  the  second 
people.     In  the  end,  however  the    subject    was    forgotten,  or   else   he 
changed  his  mind.     To  say  that  the  unkept  promise  was  interpolated  by 
Ramusio  is  idle.     Here  is  found  a  mental  action  that  could  scarcely  hap- 
pen m  the  case  of  a  forger  constructing  an  imaginary  narrative.     It  is  one 
of  those  internal  evidences  that  stamp  the  Letter  as  genuine ;  for  it  was 
written  out  of  a  mind  overflowing  with  information.     There  is  no  halting 
or  forced  action,  but  a  multitude  of  facts  are  pressing  up  for  statement  at 
the  same  time.     A  similar  peculiarity  is  shown  further  on,  bv  an  example 
that  occurs  in  both  versions,  where  the  writer,  speaking  of  the  tempera- 
ture being  colder  tlum  in  Rome,  says  that  it  is  accidental,  "as  I  will  here- 
after declare  to  your  Majesty,"  a  promise  also  not  kept.     This  double 
omission  alone  proves  that  the  two  versions  must  be  referred  to  a  iJdrd. 
We  say  again,  therefore,  that  the  peculiar  action  of  the  writer's  mind 
indicates  the  authentic  character  of  the  comi)osition ;    while  a  candid 
consideration  of  all  the  variations  renders  it  im]iossible  to  suppose  that 
the  version  of  Ramusio  was  worked  over  from  Carli's. ,   This  and  the 
kindred  assumption,  that   the    Discourse   of   the    Dieppe   Captain  was 
changed  to  agree  with  the   Florentine's,  fall  together.     The  charge  of 
dishonesty   on   the   part   of    Ramusio    has    no   ioundation   whatsoever 
in  f?.ct. 


\ 


\ 


1 


THE   LETTER   OF  VERRAZANO 


13 


Where,  ihcn,  it  will  be  asked,  did  Ramusio  obtain  his  version  ?  This 
is  a  question  with  which  we  need  not  consider,  yet  as  a  matter  of  interest 
wc  may  show  that  it  was  derived  originally  from  the  French.  On 
this  point  we  have  the  testimony  of  Pinello,  who,  writing  in  1629,  speaks 
of  the  Relation  of  Verrazano,  detailing  what  he  "discovered  north  of 
Florida."  This  Relation,  it  is  distinctly  said,  was  in  French,  and  he  sup- 
poses that  it  was  translated  by  Ramusio  into  Italian.'  It  is  also  stated 
that  a  Spanish  translation  by  one  Taxandra  existed.*  Pinello  was  a 
Peruvian,  who  went  to  Spain  expressly  to  pursue  historical  and  biblio- 
graphical studies,  in  which  he  was  eminently  successful.  In  recognition 
of  his  servicer  he  was  made  honorary  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  at  Seville. 
He  wrote  more  than  two  centuries  and  a  half  ago,  and  must  be  credited 
with  a  knowledge  of  the  subject.  It  is  apparent  that  he  had  information 
respecting  Verrazano  that  is  not  accessible  now,  and  when  he  savs  that 
the  French  version  was  the  basis  of  that  given  b}'  Ramusio  the  statement 
may  be  accepted.  Alcedo,  a  Spanish  author,  vouched  for  by  Mr.  Smith 
as  of  "  good  repute,"  also  refers  to  a  French  version  of  the  Letter  in  his 
^IS.  Biblioicca  Americana,  now  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library  at  Providence, 
"escrita  en  Diepa  en  frances  d  8  de  julio,  de  1524;"  in  connection  with 
which  Mr.  Smith  admits  that  if  the  original  Letter  was  written  in  French, 
it  would  account  for  the  marked  difference  in  style  and  language  of  the 
two  translations  into  Italian. 

From  the  testimony  of  these  writers,  as  well  as  from  the  very  nature 
of  the  case,  it  follows  that  a  version  of  Vcrrazano's  Letter  existed  in 
French,  independent  of  the  abstracts  given  by  French  compilers.  To 
deny  the  statement  of  Pinello,  would  be  to  assume  a  superior  knowledge. 
Assumption,  however,  will  not  avail,  and  the  testimony  of  this  remote 
and  unprejudiced  writer  will  stand.  The  version  referred  to  must  have 
been  obtained  at  an  carl}-  period  by  the  Spanish  spies  and  agents  who,  as 
is  well  known,  infested  all  the  ports  of  France  at  the  period  when  the 
voyage  was  made.  This  version  probably  exists  to-day  at  Seville.  The 
Spaniards  kept  themselves  informed  respecting  Verrazano.  Martyr  calls 
attention  to  his  piracies'  and  Gomera  mentions  his  exploits  in  1553.'  A 
tjuarter  of  a  century  before  Pinello's  work  appeared,  Herrera  made  an 
abstract  of  the  Voyage  of  Verrazano,  evidently  from  the  French  version 
of  the  former.' 

The  Letter  oi  Verrazano,  after  its  publication  in  1556,  was  not  referred 
to  in  t'lny  printed  woik  now  known  until  1563,  when  Hakluyt  (Divers 
Voyages  p.  91)  translated  Ribault's  voyage  to  Florida,  written  the  year 
before.     RiuiuU.  ;ijs;&essed  some  account  of  Verrazano's  Vovage,  though 


14 


THE   LETTER   OF   VERRAZAN'O 


his  Statements  clilTer  slightly  from  Ramusio's.  if  any  inference  is  made, 
it  must  be  that  Ribault  possessed  a  French  version,  and  not  the  Italian  of 
Ramusio.  Ribault  was  born  at  Dieppe,  a  rendezvous  of  Verrazano,  who 
is  described  as  "  of  Normandy  "  as  well  as  "of  Rochella."  In  his  younger 
days  he  was  doubtless  familiar  with  the  form  of  the  well  known  Floren- 
tine Navigator,  as  he  went  and  came  amongst  the  sailors  and  citizens  of 
this  ancient  town,  and  was  acquainted  with  his  exploits. 

Next  is  Laudoniere,  1566,  who,  in  speaking  of  the  Navigator,  contra- 
dicts both  Ramusio  and  the  Dieppe  Captain  of  1539;  the  former  with 
respect  to  the  latitude  reached  at  the  South,  and  the  latter  where  he  says 
that  the  Portuguese  call  the  New  World  "La  Francese,"  Laudoniere 
calling  it  "  Terra  Francisca."  The  latter  variation  is  simply  verbal,  yet 
as  slight  as  it  may  be  it  is  the  only  indication  at  hand.  Whatever  it  may 
be  worth,  it  does  7iot  prove  that  he  drew  his  account  from  the  Italian. 
It  has  been  said  that  Laudoniere  makes  the  same  mistake  as  the 
Dieppe  Captain  in  associating  Louise,  the  Regent,  with  the  voyage. 
But  in  fact  neither  errs.  The  title  of  Regent  is  recognized  as  a 
title  that  belonged  to  her.  There  is  nothing  whatever  to  indicate 
that  the  title  belonged  to  her  in  1524,  or  that,  as  Regent,  Louise 
had  anything  to  do  with  the  voyage.  The  reference  to  the  Letter  in 
Belleforest  (1570  p.  75)  and  Lescarbot  (1609)  are  consonant  with  the  ver- 
sion of  Ramusio.  This,  however,  supports  the  statement  of  Pinello,  that 
Ramusio  translated  from  the  French.  Belleforest  certainly  did  not  get 
from  Ramusio  the  statement  made  in  1570  that  Verrazano  died  in  1524; 
or  the  fact  that  the  Island  called  Claudia  was  properly  ''Loise."  If  it  be 
said  that  the  original  French  has  disappeared,  the  same  is  true  of  the  dis- 
course of  the  Dieppe  Captain,  besides  Ribault's  Journal  and  many  other 
documents. 

But  let  us  inquii-e  if  there  appears  to  be  any  other  testimony  hitherto 
overlooked  which  indicates  a  French  version  of  the  Letter.  S(jine- 
thing  of  this  kind  possibly  exists  in  the  Cosmographic  of  Jehan  AUefonsce, 
the  Pilot  of  Roberval  in  1542. 

The  treatise  of  AUefonsce  was  finished  November  24th,  1545,  or  two 
years  before  the  death  of  Frances  I.,  to  whom  it  was  dedicated.  AUe- 
fonsce himself  died  before  it  was  completed,  and  the  task  was  finished 
by  his  friend,  Raulin  Secalart,  as  was  attested  at  the  time.  In  this  Cosmog- 
raphic, so-called,  there  are  certain  indications  showing  the  possible  influence 
of  Verrazano.  Something  of  the  kind  might  be  expected,  from  the  fact 
that  AUefonsce  foUowed  the  sea  twenty  years  before,  and  as  many 
after,  the  voyage  of  Verrazano.     He  probably  knew  all  of  the  navigators 


i 


i 


1 


> 


THE   LETTER   OF   VEKRA/.ANO  I5 

.•  :;J  i>rivateersmen  of  France  who  were  worth  knowing.  Besides,  he 
shows  the  influence  of  the  Verrazano  Map  in  his  own  sketches,  his  Bay 
of  the  Isles  being  the  same  as  the  Florentine's  Bay  of  Refuge,  a  fact  to  be 
pointed  out  in  connection  with  the  map  illustrating  Vcrrazano's  Voyage. 
That  AUefonsce  knew  Verrazano  will  hardly  be  denied,  though  instead 
of  Verrazano,  he  once  mentions  Cartier,  his  work  being  simply  sailing 
directions  ''  by  the  aid  of  which  pilots  may  find  unknown  countries." 
Indeed,  AUefonsce  does  not  even  mention  his  otjii  voyage  to  Canada  as 
tliC  Pilot  of  Roberval.  In  what  way,  then,  docs  he  indicate  his  acquaint- 
ance with  Verrazano  ?  This  is  accomplished,  if  at  all,  by  what  is  possibly 
a  plagiarism.  AUefonsce  was  neither  an  original  nor  a  skillful  writer, 
and,  therefore,  finding  some  descriptions  in  the  Letter  of  Verrazano  that 
served  his  purpose,  it  is  possible  that  he  used  ihcm  with  such  variations 
and  additions  as  circumstances  required.  This  was  the  case  with  Gosnold's 
scribes  in  1602,  though  the  fact  exhibited  by  the  present  writer  in 
the  New  England  Historical  Genealogical  Register  (January  1873)  had 
never  before  been  pointed  out.  Gosnold  and  his  colaborers,  however,  had 
Haklu3't's  English  translation  of  Verrazano  and  wrote  in  English.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  French  version  probably  used  by  AUefonsce  is  want- 
ing, and  we  are  not  able  to  place  the  French  of  the  two  writers  side  by 
side.  Hence  the  verbal  rcscmh\?inces,  so  noticeable  in  Gosnold  and  other 
English  plagiarists  of  the  Florentine  are  lost.  But  the  indentity  of  ideas 
remain.  In  compiling  his  account  of  the  new  found  world,  AUefonsce 
desired  to  make  the  most  of  his  subject,  and  at  one  point  he  turns 
from  the  north  to  take  a  general  survey  of  the  country.  In  doing  this  he 
defines  the  boundaries,  saying  that  Hochelaga,  included  in  the  Patent  of 
1 542,  extended  south-west  as  ar  as  Figuier,  thus  including  the  entire 
region  visited  by  Verrazano.  Then  he  seems  to  turn  to  the  Letter,  and 
to  use  the  general  account  of  the  country,  seeking  to  combine  in  one  glow- 
ing picture  the  attractions  found  from  Canada  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
Here  he  transposes  the  order  observed  by  Verrazano  in  two  or  three  in- 
stances. In  the  narrative  of  AUefonsce  the  forests  are  described  after 
mentioning  the  situation  of  the  country,  while  the  subject  of  gold  is  put 
before  it.  AUefonsce  makes  an  extravagant  allusion  to  the  gold  of  Cibola, 
because  at  the  time  he  wrote  the  fabulous  wealth  of  that  region  was  ex- 
citing all  minds. 

After  readjusting  these  two  topics,  the  rest  stand  almost  parallel  with 
the  order  observed  by  Verrazano.  Supposing  this  done,  it  mav  be  noted, 
hrst,  that  the  Florentine  says  that  the  "  East  "  stretches  around  this  coun- 
try, while  AUefonsce  thinks  that  this  is  "  the  utmost  bounds  of  Asia." 
The  latter  says  that  these  countries  "  border  on  Tartary,"  while  Verra- 


4 


>lf 


i6 


THE   LETTER   OF   \EKRAZAN'. 


zano,  in  Ramusio's  version,  speaks  of  "  the  wild  deserts  of  Tartary,"  and 
both  remark  upon  the  productions  of  the   East,  tlic  one  speaking   of 
"medicinal"  and  "aromatic  drugs,"    and  the  other   of  the   medicinal 
quality  of  the  trees.     Next  they  agree  that  the  forests  arc  both  vast  and 
various,  and  that  the  country  is  gold  bearing,  the  Florentine  putting  the 
gold  in  or  near  latitude  34°  N.,  and  AUefonsce  in  35'  N.,  or  the  parallel 
of  Cibola.     Afterwards  both  writers  mention  quadrupeds  and  birds  in 
immediate  connection,  closing  up  that  topic  in  a  similar  way,  Verrazano 
saying  "  many  other  similar  [beasts]  and  with  a  great  variety  of  birds  for 
every  kind  of  pleasant  and  delightful  sport,"  AUefonsce  adding  to  his 
account,  "  various  other  sorts  of  birds  and  beasts."     The  succeeding  topic 
is  the  xvatcr  supply,  and  this  opens  the  way  to  speak  of  the  climate,  of 
which  AUefonsce  cannot  give  so  good  an  account  as  Verrazano,  being 
obliged  to  generalize  in  speaking  of  the  North  and  South  at  the  same 
time.     Then  follow  the  xvinJs  and  the  rain  and  the  disposition  made  by 
nature  of  the  general  humidity.     Verrazano  says  the  prevalent  winds  of 
Summer  are  north-west,  with  a  clear  sky  and  "  but  little  rain,"  while  AUe- 
fonsce agrees  that  the  west  wind  "  brings  no  rain."     Even  '.n  treating 
the  topic  which  might  perhaps  appear  the  least  promising  of  all,  AUe- 
fonsce seems  to  be  holding  on  to  the  thought  of  the  Florentine,  which 
here  concerns  the  disposition  that  nature  makes  of  the  moisture  in  the 
atmosphere.     On  reaching  this  point  he  realizes  that  he  is  in  a  high 
northern  region,  and  must  come  directly  to  the  point,  not  discussing  "all 
these  regions."     Therefore,  instead  of  saying  with  Verrazano,  who  was 
speaking  of  summer  skies,  that  the  sun  dissipated  the  moisture,  he  tells 
his  reader  in  substance,  that  the  moisture,  which  is  so  dense  as  to  be 
styled  rain,  is  frozen  in  the  winter  time,  and  falls  to  the  earth  in  the  form 
of  snow.     Here  he  reaches  the  end  of  his  list  of  subjects ;  but  still  he 
has  not  finished,  having  failed  to  do  justice  to  \\\t  forests,  which  Verrazano 
dwells  upon  with  delight.     Casting  his  eye  over  his  manuscript,  he  stems 
to  perceive  a  deficiency,  and  adds  after  his  account  of  the  snow,  "  there 
are  also  forests  as  beautiful  as  ever  you  could  possibly  see  any  wJicrc  in  tJu 
•world; "  which  done  he  goes  on  with  a  description  of  the  creatures  that 
were  found  in  the  Canadian  Sea,  coloring  his  narrative  by  the  aid  of  the 
second  voyage  of  Cartier. 

Let  the  reader  study  these  two  accounts  side  by  side,  and  he  will 
perhaps  find  that  the  coincidences  arc  too  striking  to  admit  the  sugges- 
tion that  they  are  the  result  of  accident.  Verrazano,  apparently,  was 
known  to  AUefonsce.  He  used  the  order  as  a  matter  of  convenience, 
endeavoring  at  the  same  time  to  warni  the  climate  of  Cana  la  by  associat- 
ing it  with  the  entire  country  from  the  South.     For  the  convenience  of 


v.    sj' 


«1^ 


..tt^','} 


*i*' 


■.'>lf,^j;;/->.T 

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%; 


M';#, 


K. 


,7." 


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1^  :.<}j  ■■■ 


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n 


JfARCEUjOJl.  CERVmr^ 
ORIGLYAKIO  HIJION 
SENESE^  SOGGETTODI 
DOTTRINA,  E 


SOMMO  rONTEFICE 
FULCIANQ,ENOBlLE 
^SOJfJM  PRVDENZA, 
\U0NTA  FREGMTO. 

/norL  dopo  2 1 .aior/ii di  iJh/Ues, 


/icatty  nel  di.  p>no.  ^l^^^io  ^IL/EVm 
SbfdiMtc  al  mfrltoJuijjolare  ddl' Sl/mv:,b  J^mv:  jKor^i^ncrcJUi^aii, 

J/^ir^o  du  urt  ^htadrp  f/t/Ufttc  tfrv/jcT  j/i' S//mi.  ^i^^"^ Loriti,  U^rini  di'fjuna,. 


""^■L'-'*^' 


<4 


Li 


m 


,/♦ 


TflE   LETTER  OF  VEKRAZANO 


17 


the  reader  the  Ir.ngau^fc  of  tlie  two  writers  has  been  given  in  parallel 
columns,  the  chief  points  bcini;  italicised.  An  extract  from  Barlow's  de- 
scription of  North  Carolina  in  1584  is  also  inserted,  to  show  that  he  drew 
on  \'errazano  in  a  similar  manner,  thouj^h  "  Master  Winter"  j^ets  the  credit. 
A  detached  extract  of  Vcrrazano's  Letter  is  added  to  throw  light  upon 
the  remark  of  Allcfonsce  concerning  La  Rochelle,  whic'ti  appears  to  have 
been  suggested  by  Verrazano's  remark  about  the  parallel  of  Rome. 

VKKU.\,^ANO  BARLOW 

Ascending  farther,  we  found  several  This  island  hath  many  goodly  woods 
arms  of  tiie  Sea  which  make  througii  in-  full  of  Deere,  Conies,  Hares,  and  Fowle, 
lets,  w.ishing  the  shore  on  both  sides  as  rove  in  themiddest  of  summers  in  incred- 
the  coast  runs.  An  outstretched  coun-  ible  abundance.  The  woods  are  not 
try  ajipears  at  a  little  distance  rising  such  as  you  find  in  /h'/ifwiii,  Moscovia, 
somewhat  above  the  sandy  shore  in  or  Henynia,  barren  and  fruitless,  but  the 
beautiful  fields  and  broad  plains,  covered  highest  and  reddest  cedars  in  the  world, 
'icith  immense  forests  0/  trees  moTKi  or  \'ds^  far  bettering  the  Cedars  of  the  Azores, 
dense,  too  various  in  colors  and  too  de-  of  the  Indies  or  Lybanus,  Pynes,  Cypres, 
ilghtfui  and  charming  in  appearance  to  Sassaphras,  the  Lentisk,  or  tree  that 
be  described.  I  do  not  believe  that  beareth  the  Masticke,  the  tree  that  beai- 
these  are  like  the  Hercynian  forest  or  eth  the  rine  of  blacke  Sinnaiv.on,  of 
the  rough  wilds  of  Scytliia  [Tartary]  and  which  Master  Winter  brought  from  th.e 
tite  northern  regions  full  of  vines  and  streights  of  Magellan,  and  many  others 
common  trees,  but  adorned  with  palms,  of  excellent  smell  and  qualitie.  [Hak. 
laurels,  cypresses  and  other  varieties  un-  III.  p.  246.] 
known  in  Europe,  that  send  fourth  sweet- 
est fragrance  to  a  great  distance,  but  allf.fonsce 
which  we  could  not  examine  more  closely  It  is  said  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
for  the  reason  before  given,  and  not  on  country  pretend  that  in  a  country  called 
account  of  any  difficulty  in  traversing  tlie  Cibola,  in /(//////^/if  35  iV'.,  all  the  houses 
woods,  which,  in  this  country  are  easily  are  covered  with  gold  and  Silver, 
penetrated.  and  they  use  nothing  h\xX  gold  and  Silver 

As  the  ''^  East"  stretches  around  this  vessels.  These  countries  border  on  Tar- 
country,  I  think  it  cannot  be  void  of  the  tary,  and  I  think  this  is  the  utmost  bounds 
same  viedicinal  and  aromatic  drugs  and  of  Asia,  (acording  to  the  Spericity  cf 
various  riches  oi  gold  and  the  like,  as  de-  the  globe,  and  therefore  I  think  it  would 
noted  by  the  color  of  the  ground.  It  be  well  to  have  a  small  vessel  of  about 
abounds  also  in  animals,  as  deer,  stags,  seventy  tons  burden,  with  a  view  to  ex- 
hares  and  many  other  similar,  and  with  plore  the  coast  of  Florida.  I  have  my- 
a  great  variety  of  birds  for  every  kind  self  been  in  a  bay  as  high  up  as  42'  be- 
of  pleasant  and  delightful  sport  ;  It  is  tween  Xorumbega  and  Florida  without 
plentifully  supplied  with  lakes  and  ponds  finding  the  bottom,  and  I  do  not  know 
of  running  water;  and  being  in  latitude  whether  it  extends  any  farther.)     In  aU 


' 


I8 


THE  LETTER  OF  VERRAZANO 


34'  the  air  is  salubrious,  pure  and 
temperate,  and  free  from  extremes  of 
both  heat  and  cold.  There  are  no  vio- 
lent winds  in  these  regions,  the  most  pre- 
valent are  the  north-west  and  -vat.  In 
the  Summer,  the  season  in  which  we 
were  there,  the  sky  is  clear  with  but  little 
rain.  V  fogs  and  mists  are  at  any  time 
driven  m  by  the  south  winds,  they  are 
instantly  dissipated,  and  at  once  it  be- 
comes bright  again. 


This  region  is  situated  in  the  parallel 
of  Rome,  being  in  41''  4°'  of  north  lati- 
tude, but  much  colder  from  accidental 
circumstances  and  not  by  nature. 


these  regions  there  are  gre.il  quantities  oj 
timber  of  various  kinds,    such  as  oaks, 
ash,  cedar,  cypress,  dwarf  holly  and  arbor 
vita,   which    are   of    Medieimil   tjihi/i^y. 
They  have  some  timber  almost  as  white 
as  snow,  and  common  pine,   of  which 
they  make  Ship's  masts,  aspen  trees,  birch 
resembling  cherry  tree,  also  very  large 
cedars,    hickory    and   small    nut   trees. 
There  have  also  been  found  red  plums 
resembling   what   are  call    Coubrejean. 
There  are  also  large  wild  peas,  as  well  as 
gooseberries  and    strawberries.     More- 
over you  find  many  7i'ild  animals  such  as 
deer,  roe    bucks,    porcupines,    bustards, 
cranes,   wild   geese,  owls,  turtle   doves, 
crows,  ravens,  and  various  other  sorts  of 
birds  and  beasts.     (Small  snakes  are  also 
found  such  as  you  may  see  in  France. 
And  the  Savages  say  that  unicornes  are 
also  found.    Whatever  is  sown  here  re- 
quires but  two  or  three  days  to  spring 
up.     So  well  does  grain  thrive  here,  that 
have  myself  counted  twenty-six  Kernels 
in  a  Single  year  of  the  same  sort  which 
Jacques  Cartier  has  sown.    So  rich  is  the 
ground  that  if  you  sow  in  March  your 
crop  will  be  ripe  in  the  middle  of  August. 
The  water  is  much  better  here  than  in 
France,  and  my  impression  is  that  if  the 
land  were  worked  as  as  it  should  be  and 
thickly  settled,  it  would  be  ciuite  as  %varm 
as  at  La  Rochelle.     The  frequent  sno^us 
that  fall  here,  are  owing  to  the  fact  that 
when  it  rains  the  rain  is  speedily  turned 
into  sno7Li.    Rain  does  not  occur  here  ex- 
cept with  the  East  7C'ind  j  the  west  wind 
brings  no  rain.  With  the  north  wind  there 
comes  abundance  of  snow;  From  Novem- 
ber to  February  it  snows  constantly  and  so 
hard  that  the  snow  is  often  six  feet  deep 
There  are  also  forests  as  beautiful  as  you. 
could  possibly  see  any  where  in  the  world. 


d 


TIIK    I.KTTKU   (Jl    VERI:A/,ANO 


19 


i 


Such  is  this  curunis  piccx'  lA  testimony  (rum  the  Cosinographic  o[  ^llc- 
fonsce  ;  tlie  reader  will  jixlge  <if  its  wurth.  Deyuiul  question  it  is  worthy 
of  consideration  ;  for  though  the  extracts  given  contain  two  or  three  sen- 
tciicL'S  not  strictly  connected  willi  the  subject,  the  thread  of  thought  is 
identical  with  that  of  the  Florentine."  It  therefore  appears  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  Verrazano's  Letter  existed  in  the  French  language  in  I 
France  twelve  years  before  its  pul)lication  by  Ramusio ;  since  it  cannot  • 
be  said  that  Vcrrazano  plagiarised  the  narrative  of  AUefonsce,  or  that 
both  made  use  of  a  third  writer  to  us  unknown. 

By  a  curious  coincidence,  Hakluyt,  in  borrowing  from  Verrazano  to 
illustrate  his  Discourse  on  "  Westerne  Planting,"  (Maine  Coll.  s.  2.  vol. 
II.,  p.  22)  uses  substantially  the  same  portions  supposed  to  have  been  used 
by  AUefonsce  for  the  same  purpose.  Many  instances  of  similarity  in  de- 
scription could  be  given,  since  in  describing  the  productions  and  charac- 
teristic of  a  country,  writers  are  inclined  to  follow  the  order  of  topics 
often  pursued  in  connection  with  natural  history,  yet  such  a  reference  of 
this  example  would  not  prove  satisfactory.  Buckingham  Smith  in  his 
Inquiry  (p.  7)  summarises  the  passages  supj)osed  to  have  been  used  by 
AUefonsce;  while  so  striking  arc  the  descriptions  that  in  the  Mercator  of 
Ilondius  (Amsterdam  161 1)  wc  find  them  taken  at  second  hand  from 
Barlow,  whose  plagiarism  has  already  been  quoted.  The  work  in  ques- 
tion says  (p.  371)  "Mais  dies  ne  sont  comme  in  Boheme,  Moscovie,  ny 
Myrcanie  chauvcs  et  stcriles,"  c^c.  There  is,  therefore,  something  in 
the  Letter  of  Vcrrazano  that  various  writers  have  very  naturally  laid 
hold  upon,  which  may  have  been  the  case  with  AUefonsce.  Whatever 
vIlW  the  reader  may  take  of  this  part  (jf  the  discussion,  the  main  argu- 
ment remains ;  for  it  is  demonstrated,  apart  from  the  constructive  argu- 
ment concerning  AUefonsce,  that  the  two  known  versions  of  Verrazano 
must  be  referred  to  an  earlier  version  as  their  common  source,  and  that 
the  Letter  was  known  in  France  at  the  time  of  Francis  I.  That  Cartier 
should  be  mentioned  by  AUefonsce  may  appear  to  be  opposed  to  the 
argument;  yet  the  most  painstaking  examination  will  not  afford  any 
proof  of  that  Cartier  furnished  his  description. 

The  probability  that  the  Letter  of  Vcrrazano  was  known  to  AUefonsce 
is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  another  French  writer  of  that  period 
makes  a  distinct  reference  to  the  voyage  of  the  Florentine.  This  is  the 
author  of  what  is  called,  "  the  Discourse  of  a  great  Sea-Captain,  a  French- 
man of  the  town  Dieppe,"  written  in  1539,  and  published  by  Ramusio  m 
1556,  in  the  same  work  that  contains  the  Letter  of  Verrazano.  This  Dis- 
course gives  a  general  description  of  the  North  American  Continei  t,  and 


20 


THE  LETTER  OF  VERRAZANO 


says,  "  following  beyond  the  Cape  of  Brettuns  llicrc  is  a  land  cuntiguous 
to  the  said  cape,  the  coast  whereof  extends  west  by  south-west  as  far  as 
the  land  of  Florida,  and  it  runs  full  500  leagues,  which  coast  was  discov- 
ered fifteen  years  ago,  by  Messer  Giovanni  du  Verrazzano  in  the  name 
of  King  Francis  and  Madame  the  Regent,  and  this  land  is  called  by 
many  la  Francese."      Tnis  Discourse  was  written  by  some  one  in  the 
Expedition  of  Parmentier  to  Sumatra,  1 529,  and  its  authenticity  has  never 
been  questioned.     The  original,  like  that  of  the  V^errazano  Letter,  has  dis- 
appeared, and  though  possibly  traces  of  it  may  yet  be  found  in  Spain, 
where  the  French  copy  of  Verrazano's  Letter  existed,  probably  having 
been  drawn  from  France  during  the  life  time  of  Francis  L     To  repeat 
the  charge  that  the  reference  to  the  Letter  of  Verrazano  in  the  Discourse 
of  the  Dieppe  Captain  was  interpolated  by  Ramusio  can  not  be  tol- 
erated, since  the  whole  theory  of  interpolation  has  been  destroyed,  by 
the  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  the  version  of  the  Verrazano  Letter 
given  by  Ramusio  was  not  and  could  not  have  been  worked  over  from  the 
version  of  Carli.     There  being  no  evidence  therefore  to  the  contrary, 
the  recognition  of  Verrazano  by  the  Dieppe  Captain  in  1539  must  stand. 
In  a  subsequent  chapter  it  will  be  demonstrated  that  the  Map  of  Hie- 
ronimo  da  Verrazano,  made  in  1529,  is  alone  capable  of  proving  that  the 
Letter  of  Giovanni  existed  prior  to  that  date,  and  that  the  Map  was  based 
upon  the  descriptions  of  the  Letter.      It  will  thus  appear  that  the  theory 
that  this  Letter  was  the  forgery  of  a  later  period,  or  about  the  year  1 540, 
and  intended  to  flatter  the  civic  pride  of  Florence,  will  not  hold.     It 
shuts  up  the  mind  to  insuperable   objections,  and  makes  too   great  a 
claim  upon  our  faith.     It  requires  us  to  believe  that  the  forgers  under- 
took their  work  while  Francis  I.  was  still  alive  ;  that  no  precautions  were 
taken  to  prevent  its  publication  in  1556,  when  the  seaports  were  full  of 
men  who  could  have  denied  the  claim  had  it  been  false ;  it  is  to  sup- 
pose that  untravelied  Florentines  possessed  exact  knowledge  of  the  con- 
dition of  New  England  ;     it  is  to  suppose  that  Ramusio,  the  learned 
Secretar}-  of  the  Venetian  Council,  conspired,  independently  of  the  orig- 
inal movers,  to  aid  the  deception  and  flatter  the  pride  of  a  rival  city  ;  and 
that  the  Florentines  deliberately  selected  one  for  their  hero  who,  accord- 
ing to  the  objecter's  theory,  perished  infamously  upon  the  gallows,  or 
else  that  they  adopted  his  name  without  investigating  his  history  and 
ultimate  fate.     It  is  easier  to  believe  in  the  authenticity  of  the  Letter 
of  Verrazano. 


iS! 


THE    LETTER   OK   VERRAZANO 


21 


'  The  Sclavonians  were  spread  far  and  and  wule,  but  the  tntt  country  of  Sclavonia  formed 
apart  of  Hungary  then  as  now.  It  is  depicted  on  Verrazano's  map,  and  is  not  represented  as 
extending  to  the  coast.     Illyria  was  called  Slavonia,  only  because  occupied  by  a  Slav  population. 

'It  is  remarkable  that  Hakluyt,  in  his  first  translation  of  Verrazano's  letter  (1582),  acci- 
dentally omitted  the  clause  that  is  omitted  by  Carli,  "by  the  profit  we  received  thereby,"  yet  it 
is  im.agined  that  this  could  not  possibly  be  an  omission  by  Carli,  but  that  it  //nisi  be  an  interpo- 
lation of  Ramusio's  !  Thai  Ramusio  inler])olated  the  language  "by  the  profit  we  receive  there- 
by," with  reference  to  the  ships  from  Mexico,  is  indefensible,  since  it  is  absurd  to  suppose 
that  at  the  late  period  of  July  8,  1524,  \'erra/ano  would  attempt  to  ccmvey  any  obscure 
information  respecting  an  event  that  was  notorious  in  both  France  and  Spain.  In  the  cruise 
referred  to  he  had  only  two  ships,  while  in  capturing  the  treasure  ships  he  had  six.  The  cruise 
on  the  coast  of  Spain  was  simply  an  episode  in  the  voyage  begun  with  four  ships  expressly  to 
explore,  aiul  which  was  finally  prosecuted  with  one. 

^  In  the  "  Epitome  de  la  liihlioteca  Oriental  i  Occidental  Nautica  i  Geografica,"  by  Antonio 
de  Leon  I'inello,  Madrid,   1627,  p.  79,  are  the  following  entries : 

"  Ivan  Vekrazano.     Relacion  de  lo  que  descubrio  al  Septemtrion  de  la  Floride,  en  Fracas." 

"  Ivan  BaI'TISTA  Ramusso  la  traduxo  i  la  imprimio  en  tomo  3." 

*  "  Ivan  Vekrazano.     Descripcion  dei  nuevo  Orbe,  segun  Taxandra."  "  Epitome,' 


The   edition   of 
"  esta  resumida 


1738,    T. 
en   Marco 


i^escnpcion  (lei  nuevo  Urbe,  segun  1  axandra.  "  Epitome,  p.  171. 
II.  p.  620,  states,  in  addition,  that  Lescarbot  followed  Ramusio, 
Lescarbot."  In  this  edition  t'^e  editor  departs  from  the  primitive 
orthography  of  the  Florentine's  name,  which  Pinello  gives  correctly.  That  the  French  and 
Spanish  versions  existed  a  considerable  time  prior  to  1627  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  Herrera 
(Dec.  Ill,  L.  VI.  C.  IX.)  gave  an  abstract  of  Verrazano's  Letter.  That  Herrera  translated  from 
Ramusio  there  is  no  proof.  The  Letter  was  evidently  well  ki  Avn  in  Spain.  Alcedo,  in  his  un- 
published Bihiioteca  Americana,  which  has  a  brief  notice  of  the  life  of  Verrazano,  gives  of  his 
writings :  "  Relacion  des  descubrimiento  que  hijo  al  Septemtrion  de  la  Florida  en  noumbre  de  S. 
M.  Cristianisima  :  Escrita  en  Diepa  en  Frances  A  8  de  Julio,  de  1524.  /<jV/«— Traducida  en 
Italiano  en  la  Colecion  de  Ramusio."  From  the  MS.  (Carter-Brown  Library,)  Vol.  II.,  p.  Sgo. 
'  Epis.  774.   Ed.  1530.     Dated  Nov.  10,  1522. 

^  "  La  Conquista"  de  1553,  fol.  LXXXVII.  See  in  these  connections  M.  Brevoort's  "  Verr.i- 
zano,"  &c, 

"  Dec.  III.,  L.  iii.  C.  IX. 

0  The  General  account  of  the  country  by  Verrazano  includes  e/^Z'en  ■points,  a// o(  which  are 
used  by  AUefonsce,  who  amplified  the  most  of  them  and  reduces  others,  after  expressing  the  same 
minute  shades  of  thought.  The  identity  of  the  two  descriptions  will  appear  the  more  clearl)  by 
changing  the  ^v/</ mentioned  by  Verrazano  from  ihe /fur/h  to  ihi //si  place,  noting  here  that 
both  writers  place  the  gold  in  practically  the  sat/u-  parallel.  The  order  thus  observed  by  each 
writer  will  be  as  here  indicated  ;  topics  2,  3,  4,  and  9,  10,  11  being  closely  associated  with  another. 

Verrazano 
Gold. 

Forest  (varied). 
The  "  East  "  (Asia). 
Medicinal  qualities. 
Animals  (varied). 

6.  Birds  (varied). 

7.  The  water  supply. 

8.  The  temperature. 
Winds. 
Rains. 

General  humidity  (moisture  dissipated 
by  the  sun). 


9- 
10. 

II. 


I. 

Ali.efonsce. 
Gold. 

2. 

Asia  (the  East). 

3- 

Forest  (varied). 

4. 

5- 
6. 

Medicinal  qualities. 
Animals  (varied). 
Birds  (varied). 

7. 

8. 

9- 

The  water  supply. 
The  temperature. 
Rains. 

10. 

Winds. 

II. 

General  humidity  (moisture  clianged  to  snow). 

THE  VOYAGE  OF  VERRAZANO 


THE  previous  chapter  was  occupied  chiefly  in  considering  the  text 
of  Verrazano's  Letter.  The  present  will  be  devoted  to  the 
Voyage  which  the  Letter  describes.  It  may  be  necessary, 
however,  at  the  outset  to  notice  a  theory,  to  which  attention  was  called' 
sometime  since  in  a  review  not  specially  devoted  to  historical  questions. 
The  theory  in  question  supposes  that  the  voyage  of  Verrazano  was 
never  made,  but  was  framed  out  of  the  map  of  Ribero,  1529,  by  some 
Florentine  forger.  This  theory  may  be  stated  briefly  as  follows :  The 
Carli  version  of  the  letter  makes  the  total  extc  t  of  Verrazano's  explor- 
ation upon  the  American  coast  700  leagues,  a  distance  included  between 
a  point  50  leagues  south  of  latitude  34"  N.  and  50°  N.,  embracing  nine 
courses,  stated  in  round  numbers  as  50,  50,  100,  80,  15,  150,  50,  50,  150 
leagues.  Then,  repairing  to  Ribero's  map,  the  author  of  this  theory,  by 
a  system  of  measurements,  endeavors  to  make  it  appear  that  the  divis- 
ions between  the  corresponding  points,  34"  N.  and  50^  N.,  amount  to 
the  same  sum,  less  only  five  leagues,  and  declares  that  the  courses 
sailed  according  to  the  Letter  agree  with  the  latitudes  and  courses  on 
Ribero's  map.  In  a  refutation  of  this  theory,  Mr.  Major,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  curtly  observes:  "  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  we  find  no  such  'divisions'  on  Ribero's  map;"  which  is  per- 
fectly true,  and  the  assumed  divisions  might  be  left  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves. The  attention  of  the  reader  may  nevertheless  be  directed  to 
certain  facts,  as,  for  instance,  to  the  fact  that  while  the  Carli  version 
gives  the  length  of  the  fourth  course  as  80  leagues,  Ramusio  makes  it 
only  50.  The  latter  also  declares  that  the  distance  run  was  more  than 
700  leagues,  while  the  total  of  his  figures  is  only  670.  But  the  integrity 
of  such  a  computation  depends  not  alone  upon  the  correctness  of  the 
measurements.  There  must  be  the  employment  of  all  the  factors.  In 
this  case,  however,  a  crucial  point  in  the  discussion  is  omitted.  Refer- 
ence is  here  made  to  the  fact  that  a  third  latitude  given  by  the  Letter 


THE    VOYAGE    OF   VERRAZANO 


23 


is  not  mentioned  at  all,  though  this  is  the  latitude  especially  to  be  relied 
upon,  as  it  purports  to  have  been  fixed  during  a  stay  of  two  weeks. 
Respecting  the  two  extreme  points  of  the  voyage,  34°  N.  and  50"?  N., 
which  the  late  Buckingham  Smith  supposes,  properly  enough,  "to  have 
been  guessed  at  rather  than  ascertained,"  no  question  is  raised,  but  the 
middle  and  exact  latitude,  41°  40'  N.,  which  must  be  the  middle  term 
in  any  attempt  to  deduce  the  Letter  from  Ribero,  is  suppressed.  To 
illustrate  this  point,  a  sketch  is  given  from  the  Ribero  map,  which  was 
based  upon  the  Voyage  of  Gomez,  accompanied  by  one  from  the  map  of 
Verrazano.  Upon  the  Ribero  map  is  seen  indicated  the  course  of  what 
the  theory  under  consideration  holds  as  a  fancied  voyage  reduced  to  the 
form  of  a  Letter  after  a  study  of  the  map.  In  connection  with  this 
course  the  latitude  41°  40'  N.  is  not  given,  only  the  two  extreme  lati- 
tudes appearing.  This  middle  latitude,  however,  has  been  marked  by 
the  present  writer,  and  a  glance  shows  that  all  is  solid  land  west  of  that 
point.  Yet  the  Letter  declares  that  latitude  to  have  been  reached  by 
sailing  from  west  to  east.  Thus  a  true  comparison  of  the  Letter  with 
the  Ribero  map  proves  that  the  Voyage  was  not  deduced  from  the  map, 
as  the  Voyage  according  to  the  map  was  simply  an  impossibility. 
What  is  more,  if  the  author  of  the  Letter  knew  of  Ribero's  map  at  all, 
he  discredited  it  as  worthless.  For  convenience,  the  two  sketches  have 
been  given  upon  the  same  sheet.  The  nine  courses  sailed  by  Verrazano 
are  indicated  on  the  Ribero  map  by  dotted  lines.  By  a  careful  measure- 
ment it  will  be  found  that  the  fifth  course,  instead  of  ending  where  it 
would  if  the  theory  were  correct,  that  is,  in  41°  40',  terminates  near  the 
beginning  of  parallel  44^.  If  the  courses  described  in  the  Letter  had 
been  deduced  from  Ribero's  map,  the  port  of  Verrazano,  or  Bay  of 
Refuge,  would  have  been  sought  near  the  Bay  St.  Antonio. 

Glancing,  however,  at  the  Verrazano  sketch  which  accompanies  that 
from  Ribero,  it  will  be  seen  that  no  such  contradiction  appears.  It  is 
true  that  the  latitudes  of  Verrazano  are  incorrect,  which  is  also  true  of 
Ribero,  though  in  a  lesser  degree.  By  some  misunderstanding  Hiero- 
nimo  placed  the  Cape  of  Florida  eight  degrees  too  high,  and  the  error 
extends  up  the  coast,  not  being  fully  eliminated  before  reaching  the  lati- 
tude of  Greenland.  This  particular  feature  of  the  Verrazano  Map, 
however,  will  be  spoken  of  more  fully  in  the  concluding  chapter.  It 
will  be  necessary  here  simply  to  point  out  the  fact  that  the  coast  is  quite 
distinctly  delineated  by  Verrazano,  and  that  the  point  laid  down  in  the 
Letter  as  in  latitude  41°  40'  east  of  Block  Island,  or  the  Island  of 
Luisa,  may  be  reached,  as  Verrazano  states,  by  sailing  from  west  to  east. 


1 


24 


THE    VOYAGE    OF   VERRAZANO 


i 


The  Harbor  of  Giovanni  da  Verrazano,  in  41^'  40',  is  niarlccd  in  the 
map  of  Hieronimo  as  the  Gulf  of  Refuge  {G.  del  Refugio).  The  Letter, 
therefore,  deliberately  rejects  the  Ribero  map  and  agrees  with  that  of 
Verrazano.  And  why?  It  was  simply  because  the  Letter  was  written 
from  an  exact  knowledge  of  the  coast,  such  as  Ribero  did  not  possess  ; 
for  while  the  Italian  map  shows  the  coast  with  tolerable  plainness,  from 
Sandy  Hook  to  Cape  Cod  and  the  neighboring  shoals,  the  Spanish  map 
shows  no  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  Cape  Cod,  but  exaggerates 
Sandy  Hook  so  enormously  that  many  have  fancied  that  the  Hook  was 
intended  to  represent  the  Cape.  Notwithstanding  the  comparative 
rudeness  of  Verrazano's  outline,  it  required  nearly  a  century  to  improve 
upon  it.  It  is  this  outline  that  is  indicated  in  both  Map  and  Letter,  by 
adhering  to  which,  and  by  rejecting  Ribero,  both  Letter  and  Map  earn 
the  right  to  be  considered  authentic.  If  the  true  character  of  the  Ver- 
razano Map  had  been  understood  and  pointed  out  earlier,  the  adverse 
theory  under  review  never  would  have  had  existence. 

Thus,  by  the  simple  method  indicated,  the  assumed  divisions  of  the 
Ribero  Map  arc  broken  up  and  dissipated.  Besides,  it  may  be  remem- 
bered, a  forger,  who  was  so  exact  as  to  ascertain  the  fact  that  during  the 
period  occupied  by  the  alleged  voyage  no  lunar  eclipse  took  place,  would 
not  be  so  dull  as  to  blunder  and  miscalculate  a  simple  latitude  with  the 
Map  before  him  ;  much  less  would  he  give  the  latitude  with  such  par- 
ticularity. Nor  is  it  likely  that  a  forger,  engaged  in  framing  a  voyage 
out  of  the  Map,  would  say  that  the  country  was  rich  in  gold,  while  the 
Map  says  that  it  is  poor.  Again,  he  would  not  be  so  bold  as  to  give  an 
island  of  the  size  of  Rhodes  where  Ribero  indicates  nothing  of  the  kind, 
nor  would  he  place  the  archipelagoes  where  Ribero  has  placed  none  at 
all.  This  theory  is  therefore,  based  upon  a  misconception  of  facts,  and 
cannot  be  entertained.  Besides,  as  will  be  shown  elsewhere,  the  in- 
fluence which  Ribero  has  been  supposed  to  have  in  Italy  never  existed, 
while  Ribero  was  repudiated  by  his  fellow  countryman,  Oviedo,  in  1534. 
In  this  connection  it  may  be  proper  to  give  the  text  of  Major's  remarks, 
though  the  Letter  does  not  tally  with  both  Maps.     He  says: 

"  As  a  matter  of  fact  we  find  no  such  '  divisions  '  on  Ribero's  map;  but  since 
the  contour  of  the  country  is  the  same  on  both  maps,  it  is  obvious  that  if  the 
courses  and  distances  in  the  Verrazzano  letter  tally,  as  Mr.  Murphy  says  they  do, 
with  the  Gomez  [Ribero]  map,  they  will  do  so  also  with  the  Verrazzano  map, 
which  is  exactly  what  we  should  have  a  right  to  e-xpect ;  and  it  is  equally  clear 
that  we  must  look  for  evidence  outside  of  the  maps  to  trace  the  source  whence 
their  cognate  geography  is  derived.     And  what  do  we  find  ?    That,  whereas  we  do 


'% 


% 


THE    ^"OYAGE    OK   VERi;.\ZANO 


-3 


possess  a  lengthy  nanalive,  full  of  minute  detail,  of  Vcrrazzano's  voyage,  which 
could  bear  the  minute  examination  of  Dr.  Kohl  by  the  light  of  our  knowledge  of 
to-day,  and  which  it  would  be  simply  absurd  to  suppose  to  be  constructed  on  the 
mere  skeleton  basis  of  a  map,  the  following  is  the  learned  Doctor's  comment  on 
the  Clomez  voyage  :  '  We  are  unable  to  designate  the  track  which  Gomez  followed 
on  the  ocean.  No  kind  of  ship-journal  or  report,  written  either  by  himself  or  any 
of  his  companions,  has  been  preserved  ;  and  the  Spanish  historians  Oviedo,  Her- 
rera  and  Gomara,  who  may  have  seen  such  a  journal,  are  extremely  brief  in  their 
accounts  of  this  expedition,  although  it  had  a  particular  interest  for  Spain,  being 
the  only  official  expedition  sent  out  by  that  country  to  the  northern  parts  of  our 
eastern  coast.'  In  short,  the  Verrazzano  letter  contains  details  which  could  not 
have  been  gleaned  from  any  previously  existing  accounts  or  maps.  We  must 
therefore  differ  from  Mr.  Murphy,  not  only  as  to  the  fraudulent  fabrication  of 
Carli's  letter,  but  also  as  to  the  statement  that  without  it  Verrazzano's  letter  would 
fall  through." 

Let  us  now  proceed  to  examine  the  Voyage  of  Verrazano.  Accord- 
ing to  Ribault,  Verrazano  originally  sailed  from  Dieppe,  though  consid- 
erable time  appears  to  have  elapsed  before  he  was  able  to  carry  out  his 
original  intention  respecting  a  voyage  to  Cathay.  This  undertaking 
was  projected  in  1523.  Andrade  {Clironica  de  Muyto  alio,  Lisbon,  1613) 
says  that  the  Portuguese  King  was  informed  by  some  of  his  merchants 
residing  in  France,  that  Verrazano  had  offered  his  services  to  Francis  I., 
nominally  for  a  voyage  to  the  Indies  by  a  new  route,  but  really  for  the 
purpose  of  plundering  Brazil.  The  Portuguese  Ambassador  accord- 
ingh-  remonstrated  with  Francis,  but  as  the  latter  had  just  contracted 
to  man-y  his  son  to  the  daughter  of  the  King  of  Portugal,  it  is  not  rea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  the  object  of  Verrazano's  expedition  was 
the  plunder  of  the  Portuguese  possessions.  Francis  simply  replied  that 
with  respect  to  the  fleet  he  would  arrange  all  to  the  satisfaction  of  his 
royal  brother.  April  25,  1523,  Silveira,  the  Portuguese  Ambassador, 
wrote  to  his  master:  "  By  what  I  hear.  Maestro  Joas  Verrazano,  lo/io  is 
going  OH  the  discovery  of  Cathay,  has  not  left  up  to  date  for  want  of  oppor- 
tunity, and  because  of  differences,  I  understand,  between  himself  and 

men I  shall  continue  to  doubt  unless  he  takes  his  departure." 

(Murphy's  "Verrazzano,"  p.  163.)  That  he  left  there  can  be  no  doubti 
About  the  time  Andrada  wrote,  there  were,  according  to  Pinello,  two 
versions  of  Verrazano's  narrative  accessible  in  Spain.  Escaping  from 
the  embargo  laid  for  the  time  by  Spanish  spies,  the  fleet  of  four  ships 
went  to  sea.  Being  overtaken  by  a  storm,  Verrazano  was  obliged  to 
enter  a  Breton  port  with  the  "Normanda"  and  "  Dalfina,"  two  others 


THE    VOYAGE    OF  VERRAZANO 


ajiparently  being-  lost.  After  making  repairs  he  sailed  to  the  Spanish 
coast,  and  eventually  departed  upon  his  discovery  vi^ith  the  "  Dalfina," 
the  Captain  of  the  other  ship  leaving  Verrazano  to  go  alone.  This  was 
doubtless  the  final  result  of  the  quarrels  between  Verrazano  and  his  men 
reported  by  Silveira.  The  affair  appears  to  be  alluded  to  by  Carli  where 
he  says:  "  Brunelleschi,  who  went  with  him,  and  unfortunately  turned 
back,  unwilling  to  follow  him  farther,  when  he  hears  of  it  [the  voyage], 
will  not  be  well  pleased."  In  this  curious  and  unexpected  manner  does 
the  concurrent  testimony  of  widely  separated  writers  attest  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  voyage. 

January  17th,  1524,  Verrazano  sailed  from  a  barren  rock  southeast 
of  Madeira,  though  Carli  says,  "  at  the  end  of  January  last  he  went 
from  the  Canary  Islands  in  search  of  new  countries,"  an  error  which 
may  be  accepted  among  other  things  as  an  indication  that  the  Carli 
Letter  did  not  proceed  from  the  same  hand  that  penned  the  narrative  of 
the  voyage.  Verrazano  steered  westward  until  February  24th,  when 
he  met  a  "  hurricane,  and  afterwards  veered  more  to  the  north."  March 
7th  he  saw  land  "  never  before  been  seen  by  any  one  either  in  ancient 
or  modern  times,"  which  he  readily  fancied  to  be  the  case,  as  he  wished 
for  an  excuse  for  entering  upon  Spanish  ground.  Here  a  significant 
fact  may  be  pointed  out,  n:.:nely,  that  in  crossing  the  ocean  he  took  a 
direct  course.  In  1562  Ribault  was  proud  of  a  similar  achievement. 
The  custom  for  a  long  time  afterward  was  to  sail  to  Newfoundland  and 
coast  southward,  or  the  West  Indies  and  thence  northward.  Verrazano 
was  on  forbidden  ground,  and  as  a  well-known  agent  of  France  his  life 
was  sought  wherever  the  Spanish  flag  was  unfurled.  He  therefore  took 
a  direct  course,  holding  towards  the  west  amidst  sunshine  and  storm, 
until  the  shores  of  the  new  continent  rose  above  the  waves.  This  is 
something  that  would  not  have  occurred  to  Italian  forgers,  or  if  the 
bold  conception  had  entered  their  minds,  they  would  not  have  allowed 
the  fancied  achievement  to  be  stated  by  Carli  without  applause.  Rhetoric 
would  have  been  summoned  to  tell  the  story  of  a  second  Columbus.  Ver- 
razano  ran  down  the  coast  fifty  leagues  without  finding  a  suitable  harbor. 
He  probably  made  this  exploration  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
whether  or  not  the  land  seen  was  connected  with  Florida,  the  existence 
of  which  country  was  known  to  all  the  world.  In  this  unstudied  state- 
ment is  found  the  work  of  an  honest  and  intelligent  explorer,  who 
would  make  it  certain  that  his  own  line  of  observation  began  far  enough 
south  to  avoid  missing  any  opening  to  India  in  the  unexplored  region 
represented  conjecturally  in  the   Ptolemy  of  15 13.      Returning  north- 


THE    VOYAGE    OF   VERRAZANO 


ward,  he  landed  and  met  the  natives.  The  landfall  is  placed  in  34°  N., 
near  Charleston.  Evic'ently  the  calculation  was  a  rough  one.  The 
land  "  stretched  to  the  south,"  which  is  true,  thougli  the  coast  trends 
southwest.  In  this  and  similar  statements  there  is  no  effort  made  to  be 
perfectly  exact.  All  the  distances  are  given  on  the  decimal  system, 
showing  that  they  were  rough  estimates,  not  indeed  of  the  length  of 
straight  lines  from  point  to  point,  but  approximate  estimates  of  distances 
sailed  while  coasting  between  given  points.  The  country  is  distinctly 
described  as  it  appears  to-day — the  shore  bordered  with  low  sand-hills, 
the  sea  making  inlets,  while  beyond  were  beautiful  fields,  broad  plains 
and  immense  forests. 

Sending  a  boat  to  the  shore,  the  people  fled,  but  by  friendly  signs 
were  induced  to  return.  They  exhibited  the  greatest  pleasure  upon 
beholding  the  strangers,  wondering  at  their  dress,  "countenances  and 
complexion."  Thus  in  the  same  region,  in  1584,  Barlow  says,  "They 
wondered  marvellously  when  we  were  amongst  them  at  the  whiteness 
of  our  skins."  The  color  of  the  natives  is  described  in  the  Carli  version 
as  black  and  not  much  unlike  that  of  the  Ethiopians,  while  Ramusio's 
version  speaks  of  them  as  brown  and  not  much  unlike  Saracens.  That 
Ramusio  did  not  draw  his  version  from  Carli  has  been  demonstrated 
already,  and  the  explanation  of  this  variation  is  therefore  the  more  easy. 
We  may  suppose  that  Verrazano  made  two  draughts  of  the  Letter, 
couched  in  different  terms,  and  if  so,  the  variation  need  not  be  attrib- 
uted to  the  translators.  It,  however,  must  be  noted  distinctly  that  the 
natives  arc  not  described  either  as  Ethiopians  or  Saracens.  Still  again, 
the  original  by  Verrazano  may  have  been,  and  probably  was,  written  in 
French ;  in  which  case,  writing  in  a  foreign  tongue,  he  may  have  used 
terms  that  misled  his  Italian  translators,  calling  the  natives  "Maures" 
or  "  Mores,"  which  formerly  included  both  the  African  and  Asiatic 
races.  This  being  supposed,  one  translator  may  have  rendered  the  term 
"Saracens"  and  the  other  "Ethiopians."  In  neither  instance,  how- 
ever, is  there  any  valid  objection  to  the  terms.  The  supplement  to  the 
French  dictionary  by  Barrel  (Bruxelles,  1838,  p.  635)  shows  that  the 
Greeks  spoke  of  the  "  Moors  of  Asia,"  and  the  term  is  still  used  in  a 
very  comprehensive  sense.  Italian  dictionaries  use  the  word  mora  indis- 
criminately in  speaking  of  the  people  of  Africa.  In  the  journal  of  Par- 
mentier,  1529,  the  inhabitants  of  Madagascar  are  called  Moors,  thoiigh 
the  island  has  a  black  race  and  handsome  olive-colored  tribes.  Thio 
journal  also  speaks  of  a  "  white  Moor "  {More  blanc)  as  appearing  with 
the  black-moors.     (Vitet's  Histoire  de  Normandie,  vol.  ii,  pp.  j"/  and  80.) 


28 


THE    VOVAGK    OV   VEKRAZANO 


The  hypcrcriticism  that  has  been  bestowed  upon  this  subject  is,  on  the 
wl.ole,  remarkable.  The  language  of  other  writers  has  also  been  over- 
looked ;  for  Gosnold's  scribe  (1602)  says  that  some  of  the  New  England 
Indians  were  "black,  thin  bearded;"  Lok  calls  Frobisher's  Indians 
"tawny  Moors,"  and  Weymouth  (1605)  says  that  the  Indian  women  in 
Maine  were  "  well  favored  in  proportion  of  countenance,  though  col- 
ored black."  Peter  Mart3-r  observes  that  there  are  "  divers  degrees  of 
blackness^  as  respects  the  races.  Columbus  in  his  first  letter  made 
known  the  fact  that  the  people  of  the  New  World  were  not  black, 
which  would  have  been  attended  to  by  a  forger.  Belleforest  makes  Ver- 
razano  say  that  the  people  were  like  the  "  Mores  de  la  Barbaric.''  Her- 
rcra,  in  describing  Verrazano's  vovage,  probably  out  of  one  of  the  ver- 
sions mentioned  by  Pinel/o,  says  that  their  color  was  the  same  as  that  of 
other  Indians  {ptros  Indios)  Dec.  III.  L.  VI,  c.  9.  These  two  authors  did 
not  follow  the  same  text,  as  has  been  hastily  assumed.  The  Japanese 
who  visited  Rome  in  161 5  are  described  of  a  color  which  borders  on 
black  {qui  tire  snr  le  noir.  Archives  des  Voyage,  I,  59).  Thevet,  also, 
{Les  Siugulariiez,p,  54),  speaking  of  the  natives  of  America,  says  that  he 
will  leave  it  to  the  philosophers  to  say  why  their  color  "  is  not  so  burnt 
{adiiste)  as  that  of  the  Blacks  of  Ethiopia."  With  Martyr,  he  recognizes 
"  degrees  of  blackness."  It  is  time  to  stop  trifling  with  the  subject,  for 
if  there  were  any  error  in  the  Carli  Version,  the  text  that  follows  would 
supply  the  correction,  since  even  a  slight  attention  to  its  statement 
would  convince  the  reader  that  Verrazano  was  not  describing  negroes. 
Some  were  "  beautiful,"  and  others  were  fairer  or  whiter  than  the  rest, 
and  were  somewhat  long  haired.  We  have  portrayed  the  characteristics 
of  Indians,  not  Negroes.  Verrazano  says  that  "the  only  exception  to 
their  good  looks  is  that  they  have  broad  faces."  Here  is  the  Indian 
described  v/ith  his  enormous  cheek  bones,  though  it  is  added  Avith  ref- 
erence to  their  faces,  "  we  saw  many  that  had  sharp  ones,  with  black 
eyes."  This  is  plainly  a  description  that  the  greatest  blunderer  would 
not  apply  to  the  black  man  of  the  Ethiopian  type.  We  repeat,  there- 
fore, that  the  general  description  forbids  us  from  straining  any  special 
phrase  to  suit  the  Ethiopian  theory. 

In  describing  the  forests,  he  speaks  of  them  as  he  actually  saw  similar 
forests  at  a  later  period.  The  descriptions  may  be  exaggerated,  but  what 
early  descriptions  are  not  exaggerated  ?  The  variety  of  the  forests  might 
well  impress  any  European  mind,  as  they  did  that  of  Chateaubriand ; 
for  in  France,  the  adopted  country  of  Verrazano,  only  about  forty  spe- 
cies of  trees  attain  to  a  height  of  thirt}'  feet,  while  in  North  America 


IllE    VcjVAUE    of   VEKKAiiANO 


29 


I 


there  arc  uiie  hundred  and  forty  that  reach  this  height,  a  fact  that  gives 
the  key  to  the  peculiar  wealth  of  color  which  marks  the  spring  time  and 
attends  upon  the  dying  year.  From  the  previous  chapter  we  have 
already  seen  that  Barlow,  who  had  Verrazano's  Letter  in  his  hand, 
adopted  his  language  in  describing  the  forests,  which  were  not  like 
those  of  "  Mercynia."  Vcrrazano  says  that  the  forests  "  send  forth  the 
sweetest  fragrance  to  the  greatest  distance,"  while  Barlow  says  thai 
before  they  reached  the  land  "  we  smelt  so  sweet  and  so  strong  a  smell, 
as  if  we  had  been  in  the  midst  of  some  delicate  garden,  abounding  with 
all  kinds  of  odoriferous  fl(^wers."     (Hakluyt  III,  246.) 

Southward  the  harbors  were  poor,  and  northward  they  saw  none, 
yet  the  coast  was  not  dangerous,  "  being  free  from  rocks,  and  bold,"'  a 
description  practically  endorsed  by  Ribault,  who  was,  however,  more 
successful  in  finding  harbors.  Northward  Verrazano's  experience 
agreed  with  that  of  Barlow,  who  found  the  region  harborless.  Henry 
Hudson  and  Captain  Dermer  met  with  the  same  experience. 

Verrazano  continues  the  description,  and  says  that  the  coast  appeared 
to  stretch  across  the  west,  thus  apparently  indicating  the  entrance  to 
Chesapeake  Bay.  Some  have  supposed  that  "  west "  was  written  by 
error  for  "  cast,"  yet  such  an  inference  is  by  no  means  necessary,  espe- 
cially as  the  Chesapeake  appears  to  be  indicated  upon  the  Verrazano 
Map.  The  language  is  very  general.  It  is  said  they  continued  to  coast 
along  the  shore,  which  "we  found  stretchingout  to  the  west."  Barlow, 
speaking  of  Wohokon,  says,"  this  lande  lay  stretching  itself  to  the  west." 
Verrazano  does  not  say  that  they  followed  the  coast  westward.  He 
means  to  describe  only  the  general  trend  of  the  course,  not  delaying  to 
speak  of  every  inlet  seen.  Everywhere  they  saw  a"  multitude  of  fires." 
Barlow  says  the  same,  and  observes  that  they  were  intended  by  the 
natives  to  show  the  English  their  numerical  strength.  Hudson  also  saw 
the  fires,  and  named  one  place  "  Barnende  gat,"  the  modern  "  Barnegat." 
Nor  must  we  omit  what  Father  White  says  on  this  point  (Force's  Tracts, 
Vol.  IV),  observing  as  he  does  that  upon  the  arrival  of  his  ship  at  the 
head  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  "  fires  were  kindled  through  the  whole  region.'" 
Verrazano  states  that  in  all  this  region  he  "saw  no  stone  of  any  sort," 
while  the  coast  is  actually  free  from  stone.  This  is  remarkable  informa- 
tion for  a  Florentine  forger  to  possess.  Perceiving  nothing  promising 
in  this  region,  Verrazano  went  northward,  where  he  found  beautiful 
forests.  He  was  now  passing  the  shores  of  Maryland  and  Delaware. 
Delaware  Bay  is  not  mentioned,  though  it  would  seem  to  be  indicated 
upon  the  map  of  Hieronimo. 


30 


THE    VOYAGE    Or   \ERRAZANO 


ji' 


Verrazr.no  could  find  no  harb<jr,  and  rcnuiiucd  three  days  "  ridiii^;-  at 
anchor  or  the  coast."  He  was  probably  anchored  under  Cape  May,  in 
the  mouth  of  Delaware  Day,  which  Dermcr  passed  witliout  mentioning 
it  in  1619,  when  sailing  from  New  York  to  Virginia.  He  says ;  "  I  stood 
along  the  coast  to  seek  harbors,  *  *  but  being  a  harborless  coast, 
for  aught  we  could  then  perceive,  we  found  no  succ(jr  until  we  arrived 
betwixt  Cape  Charles  and  the  Main,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Bay  Chester- 
peak,  where  in  a  wilde  road  we  anchored."  The  people  at  this  place  fled 
from  Verrazano,  but  in  the  grass,  which,  according  to  Ingram  (1568), 
accumulated  from  year  to  year,  they  found  an  old  woman,  and  a  girl  of 
eighteen,  "  very  beautiful ; "  also  two  boys.  The  people  made  their 
canoes  of  logs,  as  described  by  Barlow  and  Father  White  (Maryland 
Coll.,  1874,  p.  35).  Verrazano  saw  the  grapevines  in  profusion  climbing 
the  trees,  while  Barlow,  when  describing  the  vines  at  Roanoke,  with  the 
Florentine's  description  before  him,  says  that  they  climb  towards  the 
top  of  high  cedars.  Though  writing  of  early  spring,  he  says  in  the 
Carli  version  that  the  grapes  were  "  very  sweet  and  pleasant,"  while 
Hudson  (1600)  says  that  the  "dryed"  currants  which  the  Indians 
brought  were  "  sweet  and  good.'"  Ramusio's  version  says  that  the 
grapes  were  dried.  Which  version  may  be  the  mcjre  correct  is  not  of 
the  slightest  consequence.  That  the  grapes  were  dried  is  perfectly  con- 
sistent with  the  language  of  Carli,  as  shown  in  the  previous  chapter. 
Possibly  the  language  was  originally  exaggerated.  Cortez  tnakes  Mon- 
tezuma drink  wine  from  cellars  in  a  country  where  wine  and  cellars 
were  unknown.  Cartier's  ''Relation  Original"  (Paris,  1867,  p.  39)  de- 
scribes figs  in  Canada,  while  Hakluyt  (III,  209)  mentions  dried  plums. 
The  critic's  deep  concern  about  the  grapes  and  the  color  of  the  natives 
is  really  a  case  of  much  ado  about  nothing. 

Passing  along  the  coast  of  New  Jersey,  this  course  being  roughly 
put  at  a  hundred  leagues,  the  navigator  next  reaches  the  Bay  of  New 
York.  Verrazano  says :  "  We  found  a  very  pleasant  situation  amongst 
some  steep  hills,  through  which  a  very  large  river,  deep  at  its  mouth, 
forced  its  way  to  the  sea.  From  the  sea  to  the  estuary  of  the  river  any 
ship,  heavily  laden,  might  pass,  with  the  help  of  the  tide,  which  rises 
eight  feet.  But  as  we  were  riding  at  anchor  in  a  good  berth,  we  would 
not  venture  up  in  our  vessel  without  a  knowledge  of  the  mouth.  There- 
fore w^e  took  the  boat,  and  entering  the  river,  we  found  the  country  on 
its  banks  well  peopled,  the  inhabitants  not  differing  much  from  the  oth- 
ers, being  dressed  out  with  feathers  from  birds  of  different  colors.  They 
came  towards  us  with  evident  delight,  raising  loud  shouts  of  admiration, 


T 


THL;    VOVAL.K    OF   VLUKA^ANO 


3» 


and  showing'  us  where  we  could  must  securely  land  with  our  boats.  We 
passed  uj)  the  river  about  half  a  league,  where  it  formed  a  most  beau- 
tiful lake,  three  leagues  in  circuit,  upon  whicli  they  were  rowing  thirty 
or  more  of  their  small  boats,  from  one  shore  to  the  other,  filled  with 
multitudes,  who  came  to  sec  us.  All  of  a  sudden,  as  it  is  wont  to  happen 
to  navigators,  a  violent  contrary  wind  blew  in  from  the  sea,  and  forced 
us  to  return  to  our  ship,  greatly  regretting  to  leave  this  region,  which 
seemed  so  commodious  and  delightful,  and  which  we  supposed  also 
must  contain  great  riches,  as  the  hills  showed  many  indications  of  minerals." 

In  1619,  Dermer  was  also  driven  away  from  this  harbor,  where 
he  fancied,  from  the  account  of  the  Indians,  that  he  should  find  a  passage 
to  the  Western  Sea  of  Vcrrazano.  He  says:  "We  were  forced  back 
with  contrary  and  overflowing  winds,  hardly  escaping  both  [with]  our 
lives.  Being  thus  overcharged  with  weather,  I  stood  along  the  coast  to 
seek  harbors."     (New  York  Coll.,  i  ser.,  Vol.  I,  p.  353.) 

Of  the  Western  Sea  Verrazano  makes  no  mention  while  describing 
the  coast  between  latitude  340  N.  and  New  York,  though  its  existence 
is  taken  for  granted  in  his  cosmographical  appendix,  as  will  be  pointed 
out.  Respecting  the  descriptions  thus  far,  Mr.  Buckingham  Smith 
frankly  admits  that  "  the  general  character  of  the  land  and  its  vegeta- 
tion could  have  been  so  correctly  described  only  from  actual  observa- 
tion." This  being  the  case,  who  except  Verrazano  could  have  written 
the  description,  since  it  i;i  known  that  Gomez  (1525)  did  not?  With 
respect  to  the  correctness  of  the  description  of  New  York  Bay,  nothing 
needs  to  be  said,  as  the  sketch  is  easily  recognizable.  On  the  map  of 
Hieronimo  this  part  of  the  coast  is  associated  with  St.  Germaine,  the 
splendid  residence  of  Francis  I.  The  Bay  of  New  York  is  exaggerated 
as  respects  its  size.* 

The  next  course  of  the  Navigator  was  eastward.  Ramusio's  version 
makes  the  distance  fifty  leagues,  while  the  Carli  version  says  eighty, 
though  both  are  exaggerations.  Sailing  this  course  along  the  shore  of 
Long  Island,  distinctly  indicated  on  the  map,  Verrazano  reached  a  tri- 
angular shaped  island,  said  to  be  ten  leagues  from  the  land,  and  about 
the  size  of  the  famous  Island  of  Rhodes.  This  must  have  been  Block 
Island,  though  the  latter  is  too  small,  and  cannot  be  compared  to 
Rhodes  in  size,  notwithstanding  the  similarity  in  shape.  As  this  subject 
will  come  up  in  the  following  chapter,  in  connection  with  the  Map  of 
Verrazano,  we  may  simply  observe  now  that  we  have  vo  right  to  deny 
tiiat  a  man  ever  saw  a  certain  island,  because  he  erred  in  his  estimate  of 
its  size.  The  terms  throughout  the  Letter  are  the  loose  terms  often 
employed  by  sailors. 


33 


THK    VOYACiE    OK   VKKKAZAN') 


At  this  point,  evidently,  Verrazanu  liad  reached  the  waters  of  Narra- 
gansctt  Ray.  This  trian^ailar  ishind,  wliich,  after  tlic  mother  of  Francis 
I.,  he  called  Luisa,  occujiies  the  same  position  in  the  map  of  llieroniino 
da  Verrazano  that  Block  Island  holds  on  modern  maps.  Fassip}^  this 
island  at  a  dist  ice,  he  went  un  fifteen  leagues  more  to  a  place  in  lati- 
tude 41"  40' N.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  old  interpreters  of  the 
Letter  had  no  ditlicultv  in  recognizing  the  places  described.  In  1583 
Captain  Carlisle  urged  the  establishment  (jf  a  colony  near  latitude  40" 
N.,  while,  as  noted  in  the  previous  chapter,  Gosnold  sailed  to  this 
place  in  1602,  with  Verrazano's  Letter  in  his  hand.  The  Explorer 
did  not  land  upon  the  island  of  Luisa,  but  went  forward,  and  found 
an  excellent  harbor.  The  distance  of  this  island  from  the  land  is 
set  down  as  ten  leagues,  though  Block  Island  is  not  more  than 
five.  Verrazano  wrote,  more  or  less,  from  recollection,  and  thus  goes 
wide  of  the  mark.  Brereton  and  Archer,  the  historians  of  Gosnold's 
voyage,   also  misstate  the  distances,  and  some  of  their  statements  are 


unintelligible. 


Entering  the  harbor  of  Newport,  Verrazano  was  met  by  twenty 
canoes,  full  of  astonished  savages,  who  kept  at  a  distance  while  they 
viewed  the  structure  of  the  ship  and  the  dress  of  the  strangers.  Finally 
they  seemed  to  be  satisfied  with  what  they  saw,  and  expressed  their 
feelings,  Indian  fashion,  by  shouting  in  chorus.  B\'  the  distribution  of 
trinkets  and  toys,  some  of  them  were  induced  to  go  on  board  the  Dal- 
fina.  Evidently  they  had  never  seen  Europeans  before,  and  did  not 
know  the  value  of  arms  nor  implements  made  of  iron.  The  "  looking- 
glasses  "  shown  them  caused  a  smile,  and  they  returned  them  as  soon  as 
they  had  looked  at  them.  Thus  the  Maine  Indians  "  laughed  "  when 
miri-ors  were  presenter'  —  by  Weymouth,  1605.  Verrazano  says  that 
these  people  had  "t^  ,  more  beautiful  in   form  and  stature  than 

can  possibly  be  -  One  was  about  forty  years,  and  the  other 

about  twenty-f  1  he  elder  wore  around   his  neck  a  large  chain, 

ornamented  witu  any  stones  of  different  colors,  which  may  have  been 
w.:.mpum.  Their  complexion  is  described  as  tawny,  and  "  greatly  resem- 
bling the  antique."  If  Verrazano  had  happened  here  at  the  time  of  the 
anr'ual  mourning,  he  might  have  found  them  black  and  so  described 
them,  as  the  New  England  Indians,  as  well  as  others,  painted  themselves 
black  at  regular  intervals. 

Respecting  the  "  two  Kings "  found  by  Verrazano  presiding  over 
the  people,  it  may  be  observed  that  the  Narragansett  Indians  were  liv- 
ing under  this  kind  of  government  when  the   English  came,  a  century 


-'—'<   ^^ 


v- 


V- 


I     I 


THE    VOVACiE    OF   VERRAZANO 


33 


iater.  Roger  Williams  (Key,  120)  says:  "  Tlieir  government  is  mon- 
archical; yet  at  present  the  chicfcst  government  of  the  country  is 
divided  between  a  younger  Sachem,  Miantunnomoh,  and  an  elder 
Sachem,  Canonicus,  of  about  four  score  years  old,  this  voung  man's 
imclc ;  and  their  agreement  in  the  government  is  remarkable."  Here 
we  find  the  same  order  indicated  by  Verrazano,  Canonicus  and  his 
nephew  being  no  doubt  descendants  of  the  Sachems  who  received  the 
Florentine  with  the  kindness  which  Roger  Williams  declared  to  be  an 
eminent  characteristic.  The  Letter  states  that  "  one  of  the  two  Kings 
often  came  with  his  queen  and  many  attendants  to  see  us  for  his  amuse- 
ment ;  but  he  always  stopped  at  a  distance  of  about  two  hundred  paces, 
and  sent  a  boat  to  inform  us  of  his  intended  visit,  saying  that  they  would 
come  and  see  our  ship.  This  was  done  for  safety,  and  as  soon  as  they 
had  an  answer  from  us,  they  came  off,  and  remained  a  while  to  look 
around  ;  but  on  hearing  the  amazing  cries  of  the  sailors,  the  King  sent 
the  queen  with  her  attendants  in  a  very  light  boat  [a  bark  canoe  ?]  to 
wait  near  an  island,  a  quarter  of  a  league  distant  from  us,  while  he 
remained  a  long  time  on  board." 

It  has  been  suggested  that  this  was  analogised  from  Peter  Martyr 
(Sec.  I,  Lib.  IV),  where  he  describes  the  visit  made  to  the  brother  of 
Columbus  by  the  Cacique  of  Xaragua  and  his  sister,  a  suggestion  dis- 
posed of  in  the  "Church  Review"  (July,  1878).  If,  however,  such  had 
been  the  case  with  reference  to  the  language,  it  would  prove  nothing, 
since  Martyr's  descriptions  of  the  West  Indies  were  published  twelve 
years  before  the  Letter  of  Verrazano  was  written.  To  show  that  the 
Letter  was  not  the  composition  of  1524,  it  must  be  shown  that  the 
Letter  quotes  from  some  work  of  a  later  date  than  1524.  There  is  no 
proof  whatsoever  that  tlie  author  of  the  Verrazano  Letter  derived  anv 
aid  from  Martyr,  though  if  he  had  it  would  not  reflect  upon  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  Voyage;  otherwise  we  should  have  to  conclude  that 
Barlow  made  no  voyage,  because  he  plagiarized  Verrazano.  This 
brings  us  to  the  narrative  of  Barlow  once  more,  who  speaks  of  the 
degree  of  state  observed  ',y  the  savages.  At  Roanoake,  he  says,  "  the 
King  is  greatly  obeyed,  and  his  brothers  and  children  reverenced." 
Again,  the  "  King's  brother's  wife  "  ^\  hen  "  she  came  to  visit  us  (as  she 
did  many  times),  was  followed  with  forty  or  fifty  women  always;  and 
when  she  came  to  the  ship,  she  left  them  all  on  land,  saving  her  two 
daughters,  her  nurse,  and  one  or  two  more." 

Verrazano  and  Roger  Williams  agree  respecting  the  state  maintained 
by  these  savage  potentates,  and  the  same  testimony  is  borne  by  Dermer 


34 


THE    VOiAGK    Of   VHKRAZANU 


I 


and  Lcvclt.  The  declarations  of  the  Letter,  that  the  savages  "  imitated 
us  with  earnestness  and  fervor  in  our  acts  oi  worsliip,"  agrees  with  the 
experience  uf  navigators  and  tlie  known  politeness  of  the  Indian  (Hak- 
luyt  III.  221,  and  Herrera  IV.  24S).  The  Indians  guarded  their  women 
carefully,  according  to  Verrazano,  and  Martin  Pring  (1603)  uses  Verra- 
zano's  Letter  in  speaking  of  this  characteristic. 

Verrazano  relates  that  "  on  entering  the  woods,  we  observed  that 
tiiey  all  might  'i  traversed  by  an  army  ever  so  numerous,"  having 
also  noted  that  fa.  dier  to  the  south  the  "  woods  are  easily  penetrated." 
"  Mourt's  Relation"  (1620)  says  that  the  woods  are  for  the  "most  part 
open,"  and  "  fit  cither  to  go  (jr  ride  in."  The  "  New  English  Canaan  " 
of  Morton  (^1632),  speaking  of  the  country  in  1622,  says,  "the  trees  grow 
here  and  there,  as  in  our  parks,  and  makes  the  country  very  beautiful 
and  commodious."  Wood,  in  his  "  New  England  Prospect,"  says  that 
the  natives  kept  the  forests  clear.  Having  now  entered  up  a  rocky 
region,  the  material  of  the  arrow-heads  changes ;  and  Verrazano  notes 
that  instead  of  using  bone,  the  chief  material  employed  on  the  coast 
southward,  they  used  for  the  most  part  "emery,  jasper  and  hard  mar- 
ble," meaning  white  quartz.  Brereton  in  1602,  with  Verrazano's  Letter 
in  his  hands,  speaks  of  "  emery  stones "  and  "  alabaster  very  white," 
which  perhaps  was  nothing  but  quartz,  as  true  alabaster  does  not  occur. 

The  fruits  of  the  country  appeared  to  be  different  from  those  of 
France  and  Italy,  while  species  of  trees  unknown  in  Europe  were 
observed.  Verrazano  also  mentions  that  the  natives  took  the  deer  in 
traps,  one  of  the  first  facts  noted  by  the  Pilgrims  when  they  came  into 
the  country. 

The  Letter  says  that  their  dwellings  were  circular,  and  that  some- 
times twenty-five  or  thirty  lived  in  the  same  house.  Roger  Williams 
confirms  the  statement ;  while,  upon  the  other  hand,  whoever  wishes  to 
know  how  Indian  houses  were  represented  in  Italy,  should  consult 
Bordone's  Iso/e  (hi  Mondo,  (Ed.  1 528,  Book  1. 6) ;  and  for  France,  Thevet's 
Cosmographie,  (Ed.  1575,  II.  lOo;),  where  a  solid  Romanesque  architec- 
ture, takes  the  place  of  the  pointed  style  of  Bordone. 

This  is  the  place  where,  according  to  the  Letter,  any  fleet  might  ride 
in  safety.  In  the  sketch  which  accompanies  this  chapter,  it  is  markfd 
as  the  gulf  of  Refuge  {del  Refugio).  Here  Verrazano  notices  that  the 
Indians  are  long-lived,  which  is  confirmed  by  Williams,  Gosnold  and 
Lescarbot.  (Nouvelle  France,  Ed.  161 2,  p.  770.)  The  manufacture  of 
mats,  mentioned  by  the  Florentine,  is  confirmed  by  all  writers.  There 
is  also  abundant  confirmation  for  the  statement  that  the  natives   were 


,1  ! 


THE    VOV.\r;E    OF   VERRAZAXO 


35 


'  kind  and  cliaritable  towards  ilicir  relations,  making  loud  lamentations 
in  adversity,"  and  at  their  death  join  "  in  weeping,  mingled  with  singing 
for  a  long  time."  One  of  the  most  curious  pieces  of  information  gtven 
by  the  Florentine,  is  the  fact  that  they  had  a  way  of  curing  sickness 
"  by  the  heat  of  the  fire."  Roger  Williams  describes  the  process,  which 
consisted  of  putting  the  patient  in  an  underground  oven  intensely 
heated.  {R.  I.  Coll.  I.  158.)  This  was  another  curious  fact  for  a  Floren- 
tine forger  to  know.  Those  who  wish  to  learn  what  was  actually 
taught  in  Italy  on  this  particular  subject,  may  consult  Benzoni.  (JfoHcio 
Nuovo.  1565,  p.  55.)  This  "forger"  appears  to  have  indulged  in  a  whole- 
sale correction  of  standard  Italian  authorities. 

The  Letter  is  characterized  by  various  omissions,  it  is  true,  and  there 
is  no  positive  description  of  the  aboriginal  money  called  "  Wampum,"  a 
currency  that  did  not  become  of  interest  to  Europeans  until  long  after 
1524.      Ribault  (1562)  says  nothing  about  wampum,  nor  does  Ingram 
(i56Si,  nor  Barlow  (1585),  Pring  (1603),  nor  the  Popham  Journal  (1607). 
Worse  than  all,  Marco  Polo,  in  his  account  of  China,  says  nothing  about 
tea;  a  melancholy  way  of  writing  history,  the  critic  thinks.      Verrazano 
also  fails  to  mention  the  use  of  tobacco,  but  this  is  the  case  with  Ribault, 
Barlow,  Ingram  and  the  Popham  Journalist.     Various  writers,  after  the 
example  of  Verrazano,  fail  to  give  any  specimens  of  the  Indian  language. 
So,  likewise,  nothing  is  said  about  bark  canoes,  unless  indeed  the  '^'  very 
light  boat"   already   referred  to,  was  of  that  character,  which  is  not 
improbable.     This  failure  to  refer  to  the  bark  canoe  has  been  considered 
the  "most  remarkable  omission  of  all,"  and  the  critic  says  that  "this 
light  and  beautiful  fabric  was  peculiar  to  the  Algonkin  "tribes."     We 
shall  see,  however,  that  it  was   not  so    peculiar  to  the  New  England 
Indians.     The  truth  is  that  the  omission   forms  a  proof  of  the  authenti- 
city of  the  voyage.     We  have  at  present  no  distinct  proof  that  the  bark 
canoe  was  used  at  all  on  the  Rhode  Island  coast  in  very  earlv  times, 
while  the  log  canoe  was  used  all  along  the  Atlantic  coast  nearly  as  far 
east  as  the  Bay  of  Fundy.     It  is  probable  that  even  on  the  Maine  coast, 
the  bark  canoe  was  not  often  used  at  the  time  of  Verrazano's  voyage 
farther  north  ;  where  the  trees  were  small,  the  use  of  bark  was  a  neces- 
sity.    In  Maine  and  Massachusetts  the  trees  were  large,  and  fire  would 
build  a  canoe,  a  process  of  naval  construction  which  doubtless  prevailed 
until  the  introduction  of  steel  knives  and  hatchets.    Then  the  use  became 
divided,  and  where  canoes  were  required  for  inland  portages  they  were 
made  of  bark,  while  for  more  or  less  of  the  rough  coast  work  tlie  log 
canoe  was  used.     Lescarbot  (Nouvelle  France,  Ed.  1612,  pp.  561,  576) 


I 
I 

I     I 


36  THE    VOYAGE    OF   VERRAZANO 

describes  their  manufacture  ;  and,  speaking  of  the  visit  of  the  French  to 
Saco,  Maine,  he  says,  "  presently  the  sea  was  seen  all  covered  over  with 
their  [the  Savages']  boats,  laden  with  nimble  and  lusty  men  holding 
themselves  up  straight  in  them,  which  we  cannot  do  without  danger, 
those  boats  being  nothing  else  but  trees  hollowed  out."  (Purchas  IV. 
1633.)  The  original  reads,  dis  ardrcs  crcitsf:;.  Champlain  describes  the 
log  canoe  at  Cape  Ann,  and  the  mode  of  its  production  {CEmrcs,  III.  59- 
60).  The  log  canoe,  the  primitive  canoe  of  all  nations,  was  still  the 
representative  canoe  of  New  England  in  1604,  and  was  the  canoe  of  the 
Rhode  Island  coast  in  1524.  The  allusion  to  it  by  Verrazano  was 
correct.*  Altogether  the  amount  of  curious  and  exact  information  which 
he  gives  is  remarkable,  audit  goes  far  to  substantiate  the  authenticity  of 
his  Letter,  the  curious  points  of  which  have  been  brought  out  the  clearer 
by  adverse  criticism. 

Of  the  Harbor  of  Newport,  Verrazano  gives  an  exaggerated  yet  tol- 
erable description.  The  wrong  latitude  given  to  it  in  the  map  will  be 
explained  elsewhere.  He  describes  the  harbor,  properly,  as  opening 
towards  the  south ;  and  "  in  the  midst  of  the  entrance  there  is  a  living 
rock  {pictra  viva)  formed  by  nature,  and  suitable  for  the  construction  of 
any  kind  of  machine  or  bulwark  for  the  defence  of  the  harbor."  The 
island  referred  to  is  probably  Goat  Island,  where  the  lighthouse  now 
stands;  while  the  "  shining  stones,  crystals  and  alabaster"  are  referable 
to  the  brilliant  lime-rocks  many  years  ago  cut  away  to  the  water's  edge 
by  General  CuUum,  to  build  the  modern  forts  that  protect  the  city  and 

harbor. 

Verrazano  left  the  Bay  of  Refuge  May  5th  (i6th,  new  style),  and 
proceeded  on  his  cruise,  sailing  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  along  the 
coast  in  sight  of  land,  and  without  delay,  as  the  wind  was  fair.  He  per- 
haps went  outside  of  the  island  of  Martha's  Vineyard,  and  upon  reach- 
ing the  northern  end  of  Cape  Cod,  shaped  his  course  for  the  heights  of 
Plymouth,  both  to  learn  the  character  of  Cape  Cod  Bay  and  to  keep  in 
si'-'ht  of  land,  through  which  he  may  have  hoped  to  find  a  strait.  In  the 
Letter  no  mention  is  made  of  Cape  Cod,  but  that  remarkable  place  is 
J.epicted  upon  the  map,  together  with  the  neighboring  shoals  of  Nan- 
tucket.  Verrazano  probably  was  the  first  navigator  in  the  sixteenth 
century  who  saw  Cape  Cod,  which  he  rounded,  and  thus  reached  a 
point  eastward  from  the  Harbor  of  Refuge.  The  highlands  of  Ply- 
mouth and  the  Blue  Hills  may  have  been  sighted,  after  which  the  course 
would  lie  outside  of  Cape  Ann  to  the  borders  of  Eastern  Maine.  Here 
the  people  appeared  rude,  like  the  country,  marked  on  the  map,  "  mucha 


THE   VOVAGE   OF  VKRKAZAXu 


37 


.'.yv/'-."  The  natives  bartered  from  the  rocks,  and  -avc  the  Frencli  -t 
'u":ed  th"""^-  """T'^"-^"^  nevertheless  forcJll  a  landu  I'  td 
be  descnbn  g  the  Maine  coast,  and  is  repeating  himself,  as  he  may  have 
oone  elsewiiere.  The  region  reminded  him  of%.he  .Vdriatic  Gu  ^and  ' 
comparison  of  the  charts  of  the  two  regions  will  sh,  w  that  the  'r  1: 
blance  is  striking.  Buckingiiam  Smith  applicc  .  description  to  MW 
and  coi^oxled  that  it  .as  admirable,     dill,  .gh,  h.:.tCBS     i 

{R.Ar^,o   Unnrrsalc,  1640,  p.  i;.)  confounds  tl.'     .egion  with  the  Gulf  of 
St.  Lawrence,  aixl  says  that  Verrazano  counted  thirty-seven  inste  d 

If' fihy-Tw.'    '       '  "  '''  '''"""'''"  '"'""'^  ''""'''^  ''-"^'^  H— -^  ^^ 

he  shore  to  Nova  Scotia-in  this  i-    .ance  a  manner  on  the  lookout  for 
a. trait  opening  the  w       to  Catha   ,  .nd  discovering  the  series  of  island 
ex  ending  along   Massachusetts     iay  eastward  to  Cape  Sable-sho  Id 

uhile  Mr.  Murphy,  in  his  -  \  .yage  of  Verra^ano,"  (p.  56     says  that 
]n  runnmg  this  course  the  Florentine  would  have  "  been  finally  locked 
an  the  Bay  of  Fundy."     This  might  seem  „.  prove  conclusivel     tha 
Verrazano  was  never  on  the  coast,  but  the  same  argument  would  banish 
Gomez,  as  neither  the  accounts  uf  his  voyage  no?  the  Map  of  Rib  ro 
which  is  supposed  to  mirror  it,  gave  any  hint  of  the  Bay   of  Fundy' 
the  trouble,  however,  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  Mr.  Smith  had 
never  seen  the  Map  of  Verrazano,  while  Mr.  Murphy  was  imperfectly 
a  quamted  with  it ;  for,  though  the  Letter  gives  no  description  of  the 
ba\.  the  Map  of  \  errazano  shows  that  he  saw  it.     East  of  the  Pcnob 
scot  are  two  openings,  one  of  which,  "  Terra  Onde."  "the  deen  I'lnd  " 
indicates  this  great  inlet.      Among  other  maps  after  Verrazano  i's  the 
so-called   map  of  Cabot,  1542,  which  lays  down  "  r/. /W.,"  and  Mer 
cator,    1569,    makes    it    '■  r.  /^onJo."     Dr.    Kohl  calls  attention   to  the 
circumstance  that  the  Bay  of  Fundy  is  not  referred  to  in  the  Letter  of 
Verrazano,  nor  mentioned  by  Gomez;  yet  he  recognizes  the  fact  that 
the  bay  ^v^s  known,  and  says :     ••  We  find  on  the  first  old  Spanish  maps 
in  the  latitude  where  it  ought  to  be,  names  like  these :     '  Rio  hondo  "or 
onda  ja  deep  river) ;  or  •  Bahia  honda,'  or  fonda  (a  deep  bay) ;  or  •  o-ulfo' 
(a  gulf):    once  also  'La  Bahia  de  los  Ensenada'  (the  bay  of  the'deen 
mlet).     I  presume  that  these  were  Spanish  names  for  that  bay  "     The 
"terra  onde"  of  Verrazano,  however,  is  apparently  the  first  indication 
of  the  bay,  and  it  proves  that  the  place  was  known  to  him  at  the  time 


38 


THE   VOVAut:   OF   VEKRAZANO 


he  made  the  voyage.  The  objection  of  the  h(jstile  critic,  therefore,  is 
not  well  taken,  and  has  no  weight. 

It  is  not  probable,  however,  that  Verrazano  explored  the  Bay  of 
Fundy,  as  he  was  approaching  the  end  of  his  voyage,  while  the 
region  was  full  of  perils,  especially  for  a  navigator  ignorant  of  the 
locality.  Wiiat  he  actually  saw  was  nevertheless  recorded,  and,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  reflected  in  the  cartology  of  following  times.  Still 
progress  in  delineating  the  outlines  of  the  coast  was  slow.  The  penin- 
sula  of  Nova  Scotia  was  fully  indicated  by  the  fraudulent  Thevet 
{Cosmo^raphic  Univi-rsellc,  1575),  who  took  his  narrative  from  some 
Frencii  navigator,  and  gave  it  as  the  result  of  his  pretended  personal 
observations.  In  1593  a  geographical  work  published  at  Antwerp  gave 
a  rude  map,  indicating  Nova  Scotia  as  an  island,  but  it  was  not  until 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  Lescarbot  and  Cham- 
plain  published  their  maps,  that  the  delineations  of  the  coast  began  to 
take  an  exact  form.  Nevertheless,  as  late  as  1624,  De  Bry.in  one  of  his 
general  maps,  calls  the  bay  a  river,  as  Mercator  does,  styling  it  "  r. 
fundo."  A  hundred  years  later  the  name  was  spelled  "  funda,"  though 
at  present  it  is  called  "  Fundy." 

Many  voyages  might  be  quoted  that  make  no  reference  to  important 
points,  which  nevertheless  appear  in  maps  accompanying  the  text. 
Such  is  the  case  with  the  Voyage  of  Verrazano.  This  instance,  more- 
over, demonstrates  the  truth  of  the  statement  made  bv  Verrazano.  that 
he  had  a  "  little  book"  which  contained  many  details  not  recorded  in 
the  letter.  It  appears  that  the  b(jokin  question  was  used  by  his  brother 
in  the  construction  of  the  map,  which  is  the  earliest  map  now  known 
indicating  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  The  two  writers  who  have  criticized  the 
sujjposed  ignorance  of  the  author  of  the  Letter  respecting  the  bav, 
instead  of  detracting  from  the  trustworthiness  of  the  narrative,  simply 
emphasize  the  value  of  the  Florentine's  observations,  and  call  attention 
to  points  that  demonstrate  the  authenticity  of  the  voyage.  In  fact,  it 
will  appear  in  the  end,  when  all  the  testimony  respecting  his  career  is 
presented,  that  few  navigators  are  more  indebted  to  hasty  criticism  than 
the  Florentine  Explorer. 

Three  points  among  others  were  fixed  in  American  cartology  by  the 
Voyage  of  Verrazano,  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  Cape  Cod  and  Sand)- 
Hook.  Cape  Cod  was  generally  known  as  "  C.  Arecifes"  and  "  C. 
Baxos."  Its  position  is  clearly  defined  by  such  writers  as  Oviedo, 
Gomara  and  Linschoten,  and  various  map-makers  at  different  periods. 


THE   VOYAGE    OF  VERRAZANO 


39 


i 


under  the  influence  of  Verrazano,  showed  some  knowledge  of  its  exist- 
ence. Dr.  Kohl  fancied  that  Cape  Cod  was  indicated  by  "  C.  Muchas 
Isles,"  forgetting  that  this  was  a  cape  near  the  Penobscot,  and  over- 
looking the  fact  that  this  name  was  placed  by  Homen  east  of  "  B.  Este- 
van  guterres,"  the  latter  word  being  a  misspelling  of  Gomez,  whose 
Bay  was  the  Gulf  of  Maine.  From  these  and  other  considerations,  the 
reader  will  perceive  that  the  failure  of  Verrazano  to  explore  the  foggv 
Bay  of  Fundy,  where  only  the  most  skillful  navigator  is  able  to  feel  his 
way,  is  not  so  remarkable  after  all.  The  wonder  is  that  he  should  have 
observed  as  much  as  he  did  during  the  short  time  he  remained  upon  this 
new  and  unknown  coast.  Whoever  has  been  baffled  for  weeks  together 
by  the  fogs  of  that  region  will  have  nothing  to  say  against  Verrazano. 

Verrazano  next  sailed  northward  again,  making,  according  to  Ramu- 
sio's  version,  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  while  according  to  the  state- 
mcr.t  of  Verrazano's  Cosmographical  Appendix  he  reached  the  latitude 
of  50"  N.  In  the  previous  chapter  the  fact  is  pointed  out  that  there  is 
no  real  disagreement  on  the  point  between  the  two  versions  of  the 
Letter.  But  whether  or  not  he  really  went  so  far  north  as  50°  is  of  little 
consequence.  Nevertheless  it  is  a  surprise  to  find  any  one  assuming 
that  Verrazano  meant  to  teach  that  the  coast  up  to  the  limit  of  his 
voyage  was  seen  by  him  for  the  first  time.     It  is  true  that  he  speaks  of 


land 


in 


34''  X.  tliat  was  never  seen  before,  a  remark  alreadv 


pointed  out  as  exculpatory,  though  by  no  means  suggested  by  fancy. 
But  the  rat/  grievance,  in  the  eye  of  the  critic,  is  found  in  Verrazano's 
statement  that  he  had  "  discovered  {discopcrtd)  seven  hundred  leagues 
and  more  of  new  countries."  The  condemnation  of  this  statement  is 
followed  by  Mr.  Murphy  in  the  "Voyage  of  Verrazzano,"  (p.  57)  with  a 
disquisition  proving  that  Europeans  had  a  "  prior  knowledge  "  of  those 
countries.  This  prior  knowledge  cannot  and  need  not  be  denied.  It  is 
remarkable  that  any  one  should  suppose  this  prior  knowledge  to  be  in 
the  slightest  degree  inconsistent  with  the  statement  of  Verrazano,  that 
he  had  "  discovered  "  more  than  seven  hundred  leagues  of  new  countries. 
The  facts  were  always  perfectly  understood.  Ramusio'  states  that 
Aubert  in  the  Pensee  had  visited  Canada  in  1508,  fi'om  which  time  and 
long  before,  the  region  of  Cape  Breton,  Newfoundland  and  Labrador 
was  continuously  visited  by  Basques,  Bretons  and  Portuguese,  the  latter 
having  gone  to  50°  N.  and  probably  farther.  To  represent  either 
Verrazano  or  Cartier  as  the  first  European  who  saw  the  country  would 
be  absurd.  When  Cartier,  in  1534,  explored  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
he  was  piloted  to  a  harbor  by  a  French  vessel  whose  commander  was 


40 


THE    VOYAGE    OF   VEKRAZANO 


familiar  with  the  ground.  The  next  year,  when  he  reached  Quebec, 
the  natives,  who  had  already  seen  more  Europeans  than  they  wished  to 
see,  tried  to  frighten  him  away,  and  also  used  words  proving  that  they 
had  been  in  previous  communication  with  the  French.  As  early  as  1527 
there  was  a  considerable  fleet  of  various  nationalities  that  for  a  long 
time  had  been  accustomed  to  visit  St.  John's.  These  things  were  well- 
known  in  Europe,  where  no  person  of  the  commonest  geographical 
information  could  be  ignorant  of  what  was  so  notorious.  Every  tyro 
knew  of  the  fisheries  of  Newfoundland  and  Cape  Breton,  and  of  the 
fleets  annually  sailing  thither ;  therefore  to  suppose  that  the  author  of 
the  Vcrrazano  Letter,  whoever  he  may  have  been,  was  ignorant  of  the 
facts,  and  represented  the  navigator  as  opening  up  a  country  never 
before  visited  by  Europeans,  is  indefensible. 

The  Letter,  nowever,  was  written  by  a  man  conversant  with  science 
and  with  the  progress  of  maritime  discovery,  who,  as  already  pointed 
out,  even  knew  that  no  lunar  eclipse  took  place  during  the  voyage  of 
Verrazano.  What,  then,  did  Verrazano  mean,  by  saying  that  he  "  dis- 
covered "  more  than  seven  hundred  leagues  of  new  countries  ?  This 
brings  us  face  to  face  with  the  truth  which  may  not  be  forgotten  in  such 
a  connection,  namely :  That  the  meaning  of  "  discover  "  {discoperto)  has 
changed  and  narrowed  since  Verrazano  and  other  earlier  writers  des- 
cribed our  coasts.  Verrazano  meant  just  what  Barlow  meant,  when, 
in  1584,  he  said  that  his  expedition  "discovered  part  of  the  country 
now  called  Virginia."  Again,  he  meant  what  the  Dutch  taught  in  1614, 
by  saying  that  they  had  "  discovered  and  found  "  "  new  lands  between 
New  France  and  Virginia,  the  sea  coast  whereof  lies  between  forty  and 
forty-five  degrees."  (Holland  Doc.  I.  11.)  All  this  region  had  been 
visited  and  mapped  by  both  French  and  English,  as  the  Dutch  well 
knew.  The  word  "  discover,"  therefore  signified  to  explore  or  survey. 
This  was  the  sense  in  which  Verrazano  used  the  term,  and  it  will  be 
impossible  to  force  any  other  interpretation  of  his  words. 

It  is  said  by  Mr.  Murphy  in  the  "  Voyage  of  Vcrrazzano,"  (p.  39,  11) 
\}vL<iX.\\iQ'' Voyages  Avantiircux^'  attributed  to  Allefonsce,  and  published 
in  1550,  "gives  almost  a  contemporary  denial  *  *  of  the  Verrazzano 
discovery  of  the  country."  The  view  is  based  upon  the  statement  of 
the  work  in  question,  that  the  river  of  Norumbega  "  is  newly  discov- 
ered by  the  Portuguese  and  Spaniards."  This  work,  however,  is  not 
the  work  of  A  jfonsce.  Respecting  the  force  of  the  terms,  it  may  be 
said  that  "  newly"  signifies  either  "  recently  "  or  "  anew."  If  the  latter, 
then  the  declaration  is  that  Norumbega  had  been  rediscovered  by  the 


THE    VOYAGE    C'F   VERRAZANO 


41 


a 


Portug'ucsc  and  Spaniards.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  intended  to 
mean  that  in  1559  it  had  lately  been  discovered  fur  the  first  time,  the 
statement  also  gives  a  denial  to  the  voyage  of  AUefonsce,  who  sailed  on 
the  New  England  coast,  and  wrote  of  Norumbega  nearly  twenty  years 
before.  It  also  discredits  the  voyage  of  Gomez  in  1525,  notwithstand- 
ing Norumbega  was  the  region  called  by  his  name.  The  truth  is  that  all 
the  compiler  of  the  work,  incorrectly  attributed  to  AUefonsce,  meant 
was  that  Norumbega  had  been  re-explored  recently  by  the  Portuguese  and 
Spaniards.  Still,  even  if  the  language  in  question  did  give  a  denial  to 
the  Verrazano  disco^  "ry,  such  denial  would  have  no  force,  in  the  face  of 
the  incontrovertible  fact,  that  in  1529  the  brother  of  Verrazano  laid 
down  Norumbega  upon  his  map,  which  represented  the  navigator's  voy- 
age. On  this  map,  a  copy  of  which  was  presented  to  Henry  VIII., 
some  distance  southwest  of  Cape  Breton  is  found  "  Oranbega,"  simply 
a  form  of  Norumbega,  so  variously  rendered  on  the  old  charts. 

Verrazano  does  not  mention  seeing  any  fishing  vessels  around  Cape 
Breton,  and  in  fact  may  not  have  seen  any.  Ships  often  steam  from  New 
York  to  the  Irish  coast  to-day  without  sighting  a  sail.  Yet  Verrazano, 
like  all  the  world,  knew  that  fishermen  were  there.  Such  cheap  infor- 
mation might  well  have  been  introduced  by  a  forger  devising  an  imag- 
inary voyage,  but  it  was  not  required  on  the  part  of  a  veritable  explorer 
like  Verrazano.  Therefore  it  is  that  we  find  him  making  no  effort  to 
describe  the  northern  regions,  already  so  well  known,  while  the  regions 
to  the  south,  about  which  Europe  would  desire  information,  he  describes 
with  the  greatest  particularit}-. 

In  his  brief  resuiiu'  of  the  voyage  Verrazano  makes  a  poor  account 
of  distances,  which  Humboldt  assures  us  are  of  little  use  in  such 
connections ;  while  respecting  the  courses  sailed  he  is  hardly  more 
exact,  onl}-  three  of  the  many  are  given  between  Newport  and  New- 
foundland. To  criticise  such  a  general  narrative  with  the  measuring 
rod  in  hand,  would  be  both  unscientific  and  unjust.  The  author  of  the 
Letter  teaches  that  his  statements  iii  this  respect  are  of  a  general  char- 
acter, where  he  informs  the  King  that  accounts  of  his  explorations 
would  be  found  in  the  "  book,"  which  he  hopes  "  may  prove  service- 
able "  to  navigators,  saying ;  "  We  therefore  determined  our  progress 
from  the  difference  of  longitude,  which  we  ascertained  by  various 
instruments  by  taking  the  sun's  altitude  from  day  to  day,  and  by  calcu- 
lating geometrically  the  distance  run  by  the  ship  from  one  horizon  to 
another." 

To  recapitulate  the  points  of  the  voyage  of  Verrazano  would  be  to 


42 


THE    VOVAGK    OF   VEKKAZA.N'J 


repeal  nearly  the  uliulc  chapter.  It  must,  tlierefore,  suffice  to  remind 
the  reader  of  the  fact,  that  at  every  stage  of  the  exploration  we  have 
the  careful,  yet  unstudied  narration  of  an  actual  voyager.  Proceeding 
from  south  to  north,  the  character  of  the  country,  the  people  and  its 
productions,  undergo  their  proper  changes.  This  lakes  place  wiliiout 
any  effort  on  the  part  of  the  writer  to  indicate  that  his  knowledge  is 
superior.  The  most  curious  facts  are  stated  without  any  triumph  or 
ostentation.  The  spirit  of  the  literary  forger  is  nowhere  to  be  found. 
In  the  description  of  the  voyage  is  discovered  a  simple,  i)lain  and  modest 
attempt  to  state  in  general  terms  what  the  navigator  (observed  in  passing 
along  the  coast  of  a  new  and  unexplored  country.  The  truthfulness  of 
his  narrative  has  been  attested  by  witnesses  of  the  greatest  value,  since 
no  higher  compliment  can  be  paid  to  a  traveler  than  to  have  his  des- 
criptions recognized  as  truthful,  and  copied  by  those  who  come  after 
him.  This,  however,  was  done  by  successive  writers  and  observers  for 
nearly  a  hundred  years,  during  which  time  the  achievements  of  Verra- 
zano  exerted  a  marked  influence  upon  American  exploration.  Thus  the 
Dieppe  Captain,  AUefonscc,  Ribault,  Barlow,  Archer  and  Gosnold  all 
give  the  highest  testimony  to  the  authenticity  of  the  voyage,  which 
adverse  criticism  has  assailed  in  vain. 


'  The  American  Church  Review,  July,  1876, 

'  The  small  dried  grape  of  Corinth  was  called  a  "  currant,"  the  latter  term  being  a  corruption 
of  the  former.  On  account  of  their  resemblance,  the  term  "currant"  was  applied  to  the  whole 
genus  A'i/'es  by  the  Englian,  after  the  dried  fruit  came  to  be  imported.  The  "  Currant"  of  Hud- 
son may  therefore  prove  to  be  nothing  less  than  the  grape  of  Verrazano,  both  describing  the  same 
thing,  one  speaking  according  to  the  Knglish  style,  and  the  other  after  the  manner  of  the  men  of 
the  Levant,  a  region  with  which  he  was  familiar. 

■'  One  of  the  Plymouth  Company  in  1621,  discovered  what  was  supposed  to  be  a  great  inland 
sea,  and  if  a  map  had  been  made  without  further  exploration,  we  should  have  found  on  it  a  great 
sea  behind  a  narrow  isthmus,  after  the  Verrazano  pattern.  A  reminder  of  the  discovery  at  Ply- 
mouth is  found  in  the  name  still  used,  "  the  Billington  Sea."    Dexter's  "  Mourt,"  p.  71. 

*  See  Stenitz  on  "The  Ship;'  Pinkerton's  Voyages  (XIII);  De  Bry's  "  Perigrinaliones  in 
Americam"  (Part  I,  ed.  1590,  Plate  12). 

'  If  Ramusio  "  worked  over '  the  Letter  of  Verrazano,  why  did  he  not  square  the  statements 
of  the  Letter  with  the  voyage  of  Aubert  and  others,  which  he  published  in  the  same  work  with 
Verrazano's  ? 


THE    VERRAZANO    MAP 


i 


THE  Verrazano  Map,  of  which  the  North  American  section  is  now 
presented  with  the  coast  names  f.;r  the  first  time,  was  drawn  by 
Ilieronimo  da  Verrazano,  the  brother  of  Giovanni  the  Navi- 
gator. Concerning  Ilieronimo,  comparatively  little  is  known.  The  late 
Buckmgham  Smith  would  not  believe  that  any  such  person  as  the  map 
maker  was  ever  known,  and  associated  the  investigations  of  Tiraboschi 
with  "  speculative  history."  What  he  refers  to  in  this  phrase  is  a  passage 
in  a  letter  written  by  Annibal  Caro  from  Castro,  in  Sicilv,  prior  to  Octo- 
ber, 1537,  and  addressed  to  members  of  the  household  of  M.  di  Gaddi, 
at  Rome.  In  the  course  of  his  letter,  Caro  says:  "As  for  you,  Verra- 
zano, a  seeker  after  new  worlds  and  their  wonders,  I  cannot  as  yet  tell 
you  anything  worthy  of  your  map  ;  for  we  have  not  yet  passed  through 
any  country  which  had  not  been  discovered  already,  either  by  you  or 
your  brother."  A  "slight  examination"  of  the  life  and  writings  of 
Caro  was  sufficient  to  show  that  at  this  time  he  was  a  teacher  in  the 
Gaddi  family,  and  that,  while  absent  on  a  journey,  and  "  sportively 
addressing  his  pupils,"  he  "makes  reference  to  their  studies  and  exer- 
cises in  geography  and  map  making."  Such  was  the  theory  that  Mr. 
Smith  devised  for  the  purpose  of  getting  rid  of  the  map  maker.  The 
subject  is  referred  to  here  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  one  of  the 
methods  employed  in  seeking  to  discredit  the  voyage  of  Verrazano. 

When  some  knowledge  of  the  map  of  Hieronimo  was  afforded  by 
an  imperfect  photograph  furnished  to  the  American  Geographical 
Society,  It  became  sufficiently  clear,  even  to  the  prejudiced,  that  the 
Verrazano  addressed  in  1536  by  Caro  was  no  school  boy,  but  that  the 
map  maker  alluded  to  was  a  person  who  had  achieved  a  reputation 
seven  years  before,  he  being  no  other  than  the  author  of  the  Verrazano 
Map  of  1529,  now  preserved  in  the  Borghian  Museum  of  the  Propaganda 
at  Rome.  In  the  year  1876,  however,  some  documents  were  printed  at 
Pans  in  the  Retw  Critique,  which  proved  anew  the  relationship  between 


44 


THE   VEKKAZAN')    MAI' 


Giovanni  ami  1  licroiiiim).  These  docutiicnts  exist  at  Kuiien,  bciiij, 
powers  of  allorncy  executed  by  Giovanni,  in  which,  May,  1526,  he  refers 
to  "  Jcrosmc  de  Varasenne,  his  brother  and  heir,"  signing  liiniself  "Janus 
V'errazanus" — this  being  the  only  copy  of  his  autograpii  now  known 
to  exist.  Jcrosnie,  nr  Ilieroninio,  appears  to  liavc  been  his  brother's 
agent.  In  1536  he  was  in  some  way  connected  with  the  household  of 
Gaddi,  a  rich  Florentine  resident  at  Rome.  Probably  he  maintained 
the  relation  of  a  tamiliar  friend,  (^f  his  death,  at  present,  we  have  no 
account.  The  identity  of  llieroniuKj  never  should  have  been  doubted 
any  more  than  the  voyage  of  Giovanni.  In  the  autograph  of  Giovanni, 
which  appears  in  the  Rouen  document,  the  name  is  spelled,  as  in  the 
map,  with  a  single  c.     The  following  is  a/(?t  simiU  : 


/^ 


[tMUiS  S/eKKAy/un^ 


u 


Oit/i//^*  :'^ 


"Janus  "  also  .Tjjpears  in  the  Carli  version  of  the  Letter.  "  Verrazano  " 
is  spelled  with  double  c,  but  that  version,  as  already  pointed  out,  is  not 
the  original.  T'.ic  double  .■:  is  introduced  by  error.  The  photographer 
of  the  map  in  Rome  made  the  same  error,  writing  in  double  c,  when  the 
original  spelling,  perfectly  legible,  was  before  him.  The  single  ,:•  occur- 
ring in  both  the  Rouen  document  and  the  map  is  significant,  while  the 
recurrence  of  Janus  in  that  document  and  in  the  Carli  version  of  the 
Letter,  so  far  as  it  indicates  anything,  teaches  that  the  Letter  and  the 
Rouen  document  proceeded  from  the  same  source.  A  manuscript  ser- 
mon b}'  one  of  the  family,  according  to  Mr.  Brevoort,  is  signed  with  a 
single  z.'' 

The  Map  of  Verrazano  forms  one  of  those  indefinite,  yet  effectual, 
protests  made  against  the  system  of  Ptolemy  towards  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  when  the  shape  of  the  American  continent  was 
being  developed.  The  system  of  Ptolemy  supposed  that  no  continent 
existed  in  the  Atlantic,  and  that  it  was  possible  to  sail  from  Western 
Europe  to  India.  This  was  the  view  of  Columbus,  who  had  no  original 
ideas,  being  a  mere  copyist,  and  died  in  the  belief  that  he  had  actually 
demonstrated  the  truth  of  the  old  theory.  Thus  Strabo  (c.  i.)  wrote: 
"  Nor  is  it  likely  that  the  Atlantic  Ocean  is  divided  into  two  seas  by 
narrow  isthmuses,  so  placed  as  to  prevent  circumnavigation.      How 


.  o  » 


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THE    VKRRAZANO    MAP 


45 


much  more  probable  that  it  is  confluent  and  uninterrupted  ?  Those  who 
circumnavigate  the  earth  do  not  say  that  they  have  been  prevented  from 
continuing  their  voyage  by  any  opposing  continent,  but  through  want 
of  resolution  and  the  scarcity  of  provision." 

The  Map  of  Verrazano  represents  the  improved  Italian  cartography 
at  the  time  whe^  it  had  reached  the  peculiar  phase,  expressed  not  only 
by  the  outlines  of  the  map,  with  its  narrow  isthmus  separating  the 
Atlantic  from  the  Pacific  Seas,  but  by  the  observation  of  the  navigator 
himself,  where  he  says  to  the  King  of  France,  "  My  intention  in  this 
voyage  was  to  reach  Cathay,  on  the  extreme  coast  of  Asia,  expecting, 
however,  to  find  in  the  new  land  some  such  obstacle  as  there  has 
proved  to  be,  yet  I  did  not  doubt  that  I  should  penetrate  by  some  pas- 
sage to  the  Eastern  Ocean."  He  then  refers  to  the  fact  that  the  Ptol- 
emaic system  supposed  an  open  sea  between  Europe  and  Asia,  without 
intervening  land,  a  theory  that  Ilieronimo  was  relinquishing  with  regret. 
October  15,  1524,  Cortes  wrote  to  the  Emperor  of  Spain  that  he  intended 
to  send  a  fleet  to  search  for  a  strait  between  Florida  and  Newfound- 
land ;  while  in  1525  Gomez  undertook  such  a  voyage. 

The  Verrazano  Map  is  the  earliest  known  map  which  shows  an 
isthmus  near  latitude  42°  N.  The  author  fixes  the  date  of  the  map  at 
1529,  by  saving  that  "Nova  Gallia"  was  discovered  five  years  since. 
The  words  "  Mare  Occidentale  "  are  not  found  on  the  map. 

The  earliest  Spanish  map  of  North  America  now  known  to  the 
geographical  world,  was  made  in  the  year  1500  by  Juan  de  la  Cosa.  It 
shows  a  solid  coast  line,  while  Cuba  appears  properly  represented  as  an 
island.  Ruysch,  in  his  map  of  1508,  shows  a  coast  line,  but  it  resembles 
that  of  Eastern  Asia,  upon  which  he  engrafted  the  outlines  of  New- 
foundland.    Cuba  appears  as  an  island  of  almost  continental  proportions. 

Before  Ruysch's  Map  appeared  at  Rome,  a  map  of  the  world  was 
engraved  in  Lorraine,  being  originally  intended  for  publication  in  1507, 
though  it  was  not  brought  out  until  published  in  the  Ptolem  of  1513. 
Evidently  it  was  drawn  between  1 501-4,  and  sent  from  Lisbon  to  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine.  At  all  events  the  engraver  finished  his  work  before 
Duke  Ren^s  death,  which  took  place  December  10,"  1508.  At  this 
period  the  Portuguese  were  active  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  doubtless 
explored  Florida.  There  is  a  manuscript  in  the  Admiralty  at  Seville, 
which  shows  that  in  Ma}^  150^,  Juan  de  la  Cosa  went  to  explore  Uraba ; 
and  that,  July  13th,  he  sent  a  courier  to  his  government,  complaining 
that  the  Portuguese  hav..  _een  to  the  country  discovered  by  Bastides. 
In   August,  Cosa  went  to  .Spain,  to  lay  the  whole   matter  before  the 


46 


THE   VEKRAZANO    MAP 


Court,  as  the  Portuguese  had  arranged  to  make  still  another  voyage. 
At  Segovia,  Cosa  presented  to  the  Queen  two  charts  of  the  New  World. 
These,  apparently,  are  lost.  (Ramon  de  la  Sagra's  "Cuba,"  II,  488.J 
The  Lorraine  Map  of  1513  (LlewcU's  "  Moyen-Age,"  II,  145)  contains 
nothing  in  particular  that  is  taken  from  cither  Cosa  or  Ruysch,  though 
it  appears  to  have  had  its  origin  somewhat  in  common  with  the  latter. 
It  indicates  the  progressive  spirit  so  evident  in  Martyr's  Map,  published 
in  151 1,  which  laid  down  Florida  a  "  bcuneni."  On  this  point  the  reader 
may  also  consult  Varnhagen.  ( "  Le  Premier  Vovagc  de  Amerigo 
Vespucci,"  1869,  p.  24.)  The  map  of  1513  shows  North  and  South 
America,  with  Florida  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  fully  defined,  though  the 
Cape  is  placed  in  35°  N,  With  this  map  we  have  the  commencement 
of  the  North  America  portion  of  the  Map  of  Verrazano,  whose  author, 
either  without  sufificient  study,  or  by  a  clerical  error,  adopted  the  wrong 
latitude,  which  was  too  high  by  about  eight  degrees.  For  the  extreme 
northern  portion  of  his  map,  Ilieronimo  used  some  chart  similar  to  that 
( )f  Pedro  Rcinel,  which  appears  as  Number  III.  in  the  accompanying  sheet 
of  sketches.  The  intermediate  portions  of  the  coast  were  made  up  from 
material  and  hints  afforded  by  his  Brother's  Voyage.  Another  reason 
perhaps  for  leaving  the  latitude  of  Florida  as  given  in  the  map  of  15 13. 
and  as  also  found  in  one  of  the  maps  of  Kunstman's  Atlas  (Sheet  4^ 
may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  Giovanni  did  not  explore  Florida,  while  at 
the  time  Hieronimo  drew  his  map  he  had  not  heard  of  the  Exploratior 
made  in  that  region  by  Ayllon,  1523.  He  knew,  however,  of  the  Voyage 
of  Garay,  made  to  the  northerly  part  of  the  Bay  of  Mexico,  in  1521,  foi 
the  purpose  of  discovering  any  rich  cities  that  might  be  situated  along 
the  coast ;  thus  carrying  on  tlie  work  of  Cortes  and  Ponce  de  Leon 
Garay  being  succeeded  by  De  Soto.  Garay's  survey  was  extended 
nearly  to  the  peninsula  of  Florida.  The  limit  of  his  voyage  is  stated 
upon  the  Map  of  Verrazano,  precisely  as  upon  the  undated  sketch  given 
by  Navarrcte  (III,  148)  in  connection  with  the  Cedula  of  Garay.  The 
legend  is  omitted  in  our  present  representation  of  the  Verrazano  Map 
on  account  of  the  lack  of  space.  It  runs,  however,  as  follow  :  "  Qm 
comiiicio  a  discoprir  franc  dc  gtvra  nltiina  dclla  Nin'a  Ilispania;  "  or,  "  here 
begins  the  voyage  of  Francis  Garay,  the  limit  of  New  Spain."  By 
commencing  with  the  Cape  of  Florida  eight  degrees  too  high,  the 
central  portions  of  the  coast  shared  in  the  error,  which  is  not  eliminated 
until  reaching  Newfoundland.  This  must  be  understood  very  distinctly, 
since  confusion  will  otherwise  ensue  when  the  reader  comes  to  examine 
the  regions   representing  the  Bay  of  New  York  and  the  Rhode  Island 


THE   VERRAZANO    MAP 


47 


coast,  which  are  placed  six  or  seven  degrees  too  high.  Under  the  cir- 
ciinistances,  the  latitude  may  be  thrown  out  altogether,  as  the  conficrur- 
ation  of  the  coast  is  recognizable.  * 

Prior  to  the  time  when  this  map  was  made,  a  passage  to  the  west, 
through  the  North  American  Continent,  was  supposed  to  exist  notwith' 
standing  the  fact  that  the  map  of  1513  gave  a  conjectural  coast  line  as 
high  as  latitude  55^  N.  This  point,  therefore,  renders  it  necessary  to 
reler  to  the  "  Isole  del  Mondo  "  of  Benedetto  Bordone,  written  in  1521 
being  sanctioned  by  the  Pope  the  same  year,  and  by  the  Venitian  Sen- 
ate m  1526,  though  not  printed  until  1528.  This  work  (L.  Primo,  pp.  6 
and  1 1  verso)  gives  two  maps,  which,  taken  together,  exhibit  the  chief 
portions  of  North  and  South  America.  With  respect  to  North  Amer- 
ica, the  remarkable  thing  is,  that  for  its  outlines  Bordone  adopted  the 
outlines  (;f  Greenland  as  found  upon  the  Zeno  Map,  published  at  Ven-'ce 
in  1558.' 

After  speaking  ot  regions  of  Northern  Europe,  Bordone  says  •  "  To 
these  is  added  the  island  newly  discovered  by  the  Spaniards  and  Portu- 
guese, in  which  there  is  a  country  called  Laboratory  which  is  in  the 
Western  Ocean,  trending  towards  the  north  part,  west  opposite  Ireland 
It  is  eighteen  hundred  miles  long,  and  extends  towards  the  west  two 
thousand  miles,  and  thence  turns  south  and  south-west,  in  a  manner  that 
It  forms  a  strait  witli  the  new  world,  which  is  east  and  west  with  the 
Strait  of  Gibraltar,  and   ihis  part  extends  a  thousand  miles;  and  from 
what  the  navigators  say  until  the  present  day,  though  no  person  has  set 
foot  upon  the  land,  it  Is  well  inhabited."     The  maps  accompanvino-  the 
account  agree  perfectly  with  the  description,  which  we  must  remember 
was  prepared  for  publication  and  approved  three  years  before  the  vox- 
age   of  Verrazano.       Bordone  next  proceeds   to   describe  the   people 
according  to   Pasqualigo,  who  gave  an  account  of  the  voya-e  of  the 
Cortereals,  published  in   1508.     Bordone's  work  having  been  published 
in  1528,  was  doubtless  seen  by  Hieronimo,  who,  instead  of  copying  the 
open  strait,  put   a  narrow  peninsula  in  that  region,  accordin-r  to  his 
Brother's  Letter.  "^ 

That  the  Map  of  Verrazano  was  drawn  at  the  period  claimed  is  cer- 
tain, since  a  copy  of  it  was  presented  to  Henry  VIII.  If  it  had  been 
the  forgery  of  a  late  period,  the  maker  would  have  complimented  the 
navigator  sufficiently  to  avoid  the  errors  of  latitude.  This  chart  is  evi- 
dently the  one  referred  to  by  Annibal  Caro  in  1537. 

Amongst  the  names  placed  by  Jerome  upon  the  peninsula  of  Florida 
are  those  of  ''Dieppe"  and   "  Livorno,"   which,  it  has  been  said,  w^re 


48 


THE  vi:ric/\zano  map 


given  to  indicate  the  beginning  of  his  brother's  exploration  on  the 
American  coast.  Livorno,  however,  appears  as  "  G.  Livor,"  or  the 
Gulf  of  Leghorn,  applied  to  the  waters  on  the  west  coast  of  Florida  by 
ihe  map  of  1513,  which  is  number  IV.  of  our  sketch.  The  name,  how- 
ever, disappears  in  the  later  editions.  The  names  taken  from  the  map 
of  15 13  were  used  by  Verrazano  in  entire  good  faith,  as  was  the  case 
with  those  from  Reinel. 

The  exploration  of  Verrazano,  instead  ol  beings  limited  by  the  names 
on  the  map,  beginning  with  Livorno,  is  indicated  in  part  at  least  by 
three  flags,  of  which  tlie  most  southern  stands  near  the  isthmus  of  the 
western  sea.  When  the  latitudes  of  the  map  are  corrected,  the  flag  is  found 
where,  according  to  the  Letter,  it  should  be  found,  namely,  near  34° 
N.  The  northernmost  flag  probably  was  not  intended  to  show  the  limit 
of  the  voyage,  but  rather  the  limits  of  the  region  explored  by  Verra- 
zano, as  the  Breton  flag  succeeds  the  three  Hags  of  Verrazano.  We 
know  that  these  flags  were  intended  to  indicate  the  claims  of  Francis  L, 
because  upon  the  original  map  they  are  blue,  which  about  that  period 
was  made  the  color  of  France,  in  opposition  to  the  white  flag  of  Eng- 
land. Francis  L,  it  would  appear  from  Vernouel  (Les  Couleurs  de  la 
France,  p.  25),  had  something  to  do  in  confirming  the  use  of  this  color. 
These  flags  bear  no  device  whatsoever,  and  tlie  precise  time  when  the 
lilies  came  into  general  use  is  not  apparent. 

A  careful  study  of  the  map  will  show  that,  with  all  its  defects,  it 
possesses  excellencies  not  found  on  any  other  map  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  proves  at  the  same  time  that,  with  the  exception  of  Florida 
and  Newfoundland  sections,  it  was  based  upon  an  original  survey  of  the 
x\tlantic  coast  from  North  Carolina  to  Cape  Breton.  Speaking  of  the 
Letter  of  Verrazano,  Mr.  Smith  says  that  it  "  was  written  at  a  time  so 
far  back,  that  the  entrances  of  the  coast  of  the  '  Lay  of  the  Land  '  were 
imperfectly  or  not  at  all  known,  and  that  it  was  dated  too  far  forward, 
to  be  in  proper  relation  with  the  progress  of  maritime  discovery." 
Nothing  could  be  more  remote  from  the  truth  than  this.  Rhetoricians 
tell  us  that,  if  we  wish  to  test  a  figure,  we  should  paint  it.  The  same  is 
true  of  a  geographical  description  ;  and  when  that  of  Verrazano  is  thus 
treated  its  value  is  evident.  Hieronimo,  in  a  sense,  painted  the  voyage 
of  his  brother,  the  Navigator,  the  result  being  so  admirable  that  it 
required  nearly  a  hundred  years  for  geographers  to  make  any  real 
improvement  upon  his  work.  As  Mr.  Smith  never  saw  the  Verrazano 
Map  and  knew  nothing  whatever  about  it,  he  may  be  excused  for  giving 
utterance  to  opinions  like  those  set  forth  in  his  "  Inquiry." 


,  n/^ 


lacahrSO 
rio  </e/oi9<»v/ai/«| 


V] 


!.1i 


J 


■•■/^ 


•».  1  /    •/- v' 


y  iittJaealli'Xl 


No.  1.  OiiiiiiK'oriiKitiiipuriiiiroi 

inus  il:i  Vi'naz.ino,  ]6i9,  in  llif  Mi;-^ 
Honm  (irihc  Prnpngniuta  Kouil'. 
Siw:  102  X  51  inchcu. 

No.  2.  The  North  American  ponsl  Miii; 
of  No.  ],  with  thf  iiiiinos  I'roin  the 
ori;;iiiMl  iinil  iiuw  firnl  imliliOii^il. 

No,  3.  ThoNorlhiTn  section  ofltciii. 
ill*  map,  rorrcspontlinj;  with  New 
FuuiiiJI.iDil  Scclioti  .-.hown  ill  No.  2. 

No.  4.  Section  of  It  limp  in  the  Ptol- 
eiiiy  of  15l;l,  from  which  wnn  dc- 
tnveil  the  ot.thne  nnd  beverni  iinniei) 
lor   the   Florida  Section  in  No.  2 


No.  5.  Section  of  lh«  Globo  of  Vlpii.n, 
1GI2,  after  tbo  Verrazano  Mtip 

No.  5.    Secliun  of  the  fliistiiWi - 
lUmu^iu  map,  from  Vernizan'i. 

No.  7.  ijcction  I'l-om  the  .Map  of  All- 
fonsce,  1543,  alter  Vernizano. 

No.  8.  Section  of  Lok's  Map,  lf,S2, 
copii.l  hy  him  from  tlio  Verraz- 
lino  Mnp.prcscnicd  to  Henry  V  HI. 

Nolo.  All  e.\cepl  No.  1,  are  shuH-n  en 
a  wale  one   lourtb  of  tho  orii/inni 


^>  A  i,i  cone 


^"X- 


V 


V*v  \, 


'-^J- 


11 


) 


Ij- 


THE   VLRRAZAXO    ^lAP 


49 


The  false  latitudes  of  tlie  maii  have  jireventerj  it  from  being  under- 
stood.    In  considering-  it,   therefore,    the  latitudes   must   be   discarded. 
When  this  is  done,  the  student  will  have  no  difficulty  in  recognizing  the 
outlines  of   the    North   Atlantic   coast.      For  general    correctness,  the 
delineation  is  not  equalled  by  any  map  (jf  the  sixteenth  centurv.     Much 
that  is  wanting  in  the  Letter  appears  in  this  Map.     The  peninsula  of 
Florida  is  uiunistakable,  and,  moving  northward  and  striking  the  coast 
in  the  region  of  the  Carolinas,  we  find  the  well  known  Cape  Hatteras  in 
Cape  "  Olimpo."     Near  "  Santanna  "  is  the  mouth  of  Chesapeake   Bay, 
and  at  Palamsina  is  the  entrance  of  the  Delaware.     The  coast  of  Ne'w 
Jersey  follows  with  the  well  known  Sandy  Hook  at  its  northern  extrem- 
ity ;  "  San  Germano  "  marking  a  large  bay,  which  is  the  Bay  of  New 
York.     This  bay  is  exaggerated,  because  it  formed  a  prominent  point  in 
the  narrative.     The  peninsula  indicates  Long   Island,    supposed  to  be 
attached  to  the  Continent,  and  which  was  not  known  to  be  an  island 
until  the  seventeenth  century,  the  entrance  to  Long  Island  Sound  being 
narrow   and    filled   with  islands.      The   coast   still    stretches  eastward, 
beyond  the  Island  of  "  Luisa,"  or  Block  Island,  to  a  cape  called  "  Bussa," 
and  a  long  Syrtis  indicating  Cape  Cod  and   Nantucket  Shoals.     The 
harbor  of  Verrazano  is  given  east  of  Luisa,  as  "  G.  del  Refugio."     Pass- 
ing Cape  Cod,  the  coast  turns  more  northward,  and  then,  properly, 
eastward  again.     The  great  river  near  the  Cape  of  "  San  Luis  "  might 
stand  for  the  Penobscot  or  the  Saco,  the  latter  being,  perhaps,  the  more 
probable.     From  this  region  to  Cape   Breton  the  map  has  no  special 
features,  the  coast  being  delineated  as  it  often  was  in  subsequent  times, 
the  Bay  of  Fundy  not  appearing  with  much  distinctness,  if  at  all.     No 
map  now  known  to  the  public  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  seventeenth 
century,  except  Homem's,  1558,  shows  that  bay,  though  its  existence  was 
known,  the  peninsula  of  Nova  Scotia  having  been"  compared    to   the 
peninsula  of  Italy,  1575,  as  indicated  in  the  previous  chapter. 

Under  the  circumstances,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  outline  of  the 
coast  should  be  so  recognizable.  In  the  Map  of  Ribero,  based  upon  the 
Voyage  of  Gomez,  1525,  no  indication  whatever  is  found  of  the  peculiar 
region  between  New  York  Bay  and  the  Penobscot.  Gomez  is  credited 
with  having  observed  and  named  the  Hudson  "San  Antonio,"  which 
Verrazano  mentions  as  the  river  of  the  "  Steep  Hills;  "  but,  if  he  came 
to  New  York  Bay  and  went  eastward,  he  has  given  no  hint  whatsoever 
of  the  region  now  embraced  by  Long  Island,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island 
and  Massachusetts.  As  it  is,  we  have  no  account  of  his  visiting  the 
region  in  question,  and  it  would  be  quite  as  reasonable  to  suppose  that 


50 


THE   VKKKAZANO    MAI' 


ii  i 


tiie  naining  of  the  Hudson  on  the  nKi|i  of  I'iibcro  was  one  result  (;f  the 
V'oyaj,';e  of  Veira^ano,  in  15J4.  Tlie  Penobscot  is  the  only  re^Mon  clearly 
defined  by  Gomez,  and  his  visit  cannot.  pcrhaf)S,  be  denied.  In  the 
Ribero  map,  Sandy  Hook  is  wildly  exag<;erated.  Attention  has  already 
been  called  to  the  fact  that  many  supposed  that  it  was  intended  to 
represent  Cape  Cod;  whereas  that  cape  has  no  representation  in  the 
sixteenth  century  maps,  beyond  what  was  given  by  Verrazano.  After 
the  year  1529,  the  knowledge  of  the  coast  between  the  Delaware  and 
the  Penobsci)t  suffered  a  decline.  The  map  of  Hieronimo  was  used,  Inil 
the  high  latitudes  given  to  the  region  confused  the  copvists,  and  Long 
Island  eventually  disappeared,  being  known  no  more  until  it  reappeared 
in  the  Dutch  "  Figurative  Map"  (Holland  Documents)  in  connection  with 
the  explorations  of  Adrian  Block;  though  AUefonsce  evidently  knew  of 
the  existence  of  Long  Island  Sound.  In  the  meanwhile  the  coast  was 
represented  in  a  crude  fashion,  New  England  being  obliterated,  while  a 
great  gulf,  which  Dr.  Kohl  confused  with  the  "  Gulf  of  Maine,"  was 
thrown  in  between  Sandy  I  look  and  the  Penobscot.  Apart  from  the 
Verrazano  Maj),  and  those  which  show  its  influence,  Cape  Cod  had  no 
delineation  in  the  maps,  though  its  position  in  relation  to  Sandy  Hook 
and  Cape  Breton  was  understoofl  by  historians  and  cartographers. 
This  view  of  the  subject  is  amply  vintiicated  by  tlie  careful  study  of  the 
maps  subsequent  to  Verrazano.  Let  us  next  proceed  to  notice  the  effect 
of  this  map  upon  subsequent  delineations  of  the  coast. 

The  earliest  existing  map  now  known,  showing  the  influence  of  the 
Verrazano  Map,  is  that  of  Agnese,  1536,  with  an  open  sea  and  isthmus 
near  40"^  X.  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  Agnese /riViv/iv/ Verra- 
zano. Besides,  the  map  referred  to  by  Carli,  October.  1537,  must  have 
been  in  existence  in  Italy  for  some  time  at  the  date  of  the  Letter. 

The  Ptolemy  of  1540  breaks  up  the  solid  continent,  which  on  the 
map  of  15 13  extends  from  35"  N.  to  55"  N.  It  also  shows  an  open  sea 
in  a  modified  form,  the  land  northward  being  called  "  Francisca,"  a 
name  evidently  recognized  by  the  Portuguese  prior  to  Cartier's  voyage 
in  1534. 

The  influence  of  the  Verrazano  Map  is  next  seen  in  the  plan  of  a 
globe  published  by  Gerard  Mercator  at  Louvain.  in  1541.  This  work, 
republished  and  accomj)anied  by  a  celestial  globe  in  1551,  was  bought 
for  a  trifle  by  a  representative  of  the  Royal  Library  at  Brussels  in  1868, 
when  the  collections  of  M.  Benoni-Verelst  were  disposed  of  at  Ghent. 
The  plans  contemplated  a  globe  about  fifteen  inches  in  diameter.  It 
was  dedicated  to  Nicholas  Parrenat,  Lord  of  Granville.     In  1875  it  was 


Ii 


Tin-:  \i:kka/aN(i  mat 


51 


i-cju-oduLcd  mfiusiiiiih-hy  tlic  Dcly^ian  Guvcnmicnt,  the  edition  bciii'^- 
limited  to  two  hundred  copies.     Thougii  it   bears  the  date  of   1541,  the 
material  from  which  it  was  composed  beloni^^s  to  an  earlier  i)e'rii)d,  as 
it  makes  no  reference  to  the  explorations  of  Cartier.     The  Sea  of  Ver- 
razano  is  not  indicated.     The  North  Atlantic  coast  line  ai)pears  to  have 
been    drawn   in  accordance   witli    "some  of  his  ^^reat  globes,"  which 
WiUes  says  (Ilakluyt  III,  25)  '•  continued  the  West  Indies,  even  to  the 
North   Pole,  and  consequently  cut  off  all  passage  by  sea  that  way." 
The  central  portion  of  the  coast  line  would  appear  to  have  been  copied 
out  of   the   Verrazano  Map,  showing  thereby   that  the   map   in   some 
form  was  probably  known  to  Mercator.     The  general  plan  of  Merca- 
tor's  globe  resembles  that  of  Vlpius,  made  the  following  year,  indicating 
that  botli   may  have   worked  from  a  common   model,  one  using  coast 
lines  and  the  other  names  from  \'errazan(j.     The  globe  of  Mercator. 
like  tiie  Map  of  Verrazano,  shows  the  Bay  of  New  York,  Long  Island' 
and  the  regions  of  Narragansett  and  Cape  Cod.     The  Syrtis  of  Verra- 
zano is  represented  differently  by  Mercator,  showing  possiblv  the  influ- 
ence of  some  other  map.     The  whole  region  near  that  Svrtis  is  dotted 
to  indicate  the  shoal  water  found  on  modern  charts.     The  nomenclature 
of  the  map  is  different,  and  one  is  at  loss  to  know  upon  what  principle 
Mercator  at  this  early  period  introduced  some  of  the  new  names,  as 
there  is  no  distinct  account  of  any  voyage  to  the  region  wiiich  might 
have  suggested  them.     Cape  Ct.d  appears  to  be  indicated  bv  "  Mala- 
bngo,"  which   woukl   signify  commotion  or  strife,  the   meaning  being 
anal.^gous  to  the  '•  Bussa  "  of  Verrazano,  and  the  "  Baturier"  and  "  Mat 
lebarre  "  of  Champlain.     In  fact,  all  navigators  who  saw  the  cape  incline 
to  designate  it  with  reference  to  the  tumult  created   bv  the  shallow 
water  on  the  coast.     Tiie  Island  fif  Luisa  is  not  laid  down  by  Mercator, 
though    wc  shall  see  that  it  appeared   in  his  subsequent  map.      The 
Italian  names  of  Verrazano  are  discarded,  his  work  not  being  designed 
for  use  by  people  of  that  nation.     The  peninsula  of  Florida  and  the 
neighboring  region  bear  names  that  appeared  in  several  maps  of  Ptol- 
emy, beginning  with  1513.     The  central  latitudes  are  also  thrown  toe 
high,  as  in  the  Verrazano  Ma]) ;  and,  to  get  rid  of  the  excessive  east- 
ward projection  of  the  latter's  coast  line,  Mercator  at  the  wrong  p.jint 
extends  his  coast  line  northward,  making  the  part  corresponding  with 
Long  Island  trend   in  that  direction,  instead  of  toward  the  eastt     But 
whatever  may  be  the  deviation,  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  Mer- 
cator  was  influenced  by  Verrazano. 

The  open  Western  Sea  of  Verrazano  reappears  upon  the  globe  ol 


52 


THE   VEkKAZANO    MAP 


11 


Vlliius,  154:;,  ;i  portion  of  wiiicli  is  given  in  ikctch  nuinL>.ic(l  V.  This 
globe  was  made  for  Ccrvinus,  the  Cardinal-F'resbytcr  of  Santa  Croce, 
afterwards  raised  to  the  [>ontificate  as  Marcellus  II.  The  globe  affords 
the  clearest  proof  of  the  growing  influence  of  Verrazaiio.  The  coun- 
try is  called  "  I'lrrazmia  iii'c  Nova  Gallia"  having  been  iliscovered 
"  Aiuio  Sal.  M.  D."  The  maker  of  the  globe  probably  intended  to 
complete  the  date,  but  did  not.  The  statement  that  Cervinus  was 
unable,  with  all  his  facilities,  to  learn  the  date  (jf  the  voyage  is  a  pure 
invention.  The  names  on  the  globe  afford  convincing  proof  that  the 
map  of  Verrazano  was  used.  Amongst  the  lUies  are  "  Selva  de 
Cervi,"  "  Piaggia  de  Calmo,"  "  Lungavilla,"  "  G.  di  San  Germanus,"  and 
"  Rcfugium  promont."  A  careful  comparison  of  the  map  nf  Jehan 
Allefonsce  of  about  1552  (see  sketch  III.)  with  the  maps  of  Verrazano, 
Gastaldi  and  Ramusio,  will  show  that  they  all  belong  to  the  same 
family.  The  sketches  of  Allefonsce  are  very  rude,  but  it  is  evident 
that  his  Bay  of  the  Isles  is  tlie  same  as  the  Bay  of  Refuge  on  the  map 
of  the  Florentine.  The  resemblance  is  clear  when  compared  with 
the  map  in  the  Ramusio  of  1556,  to  which  reference  will  be  made  in  its 
place.  The  Island  of  Luisa,  without  the  name,  appears  to  be  indicated 
by  Allefonsce,  who  puts  the  Norumbega  River  too  far  south,  inserting 
it  in  the  delineation  v.hich  represents  the  region  of  Narragansetl. 

The  next  map  to  be  mentioned  is  Ruscelli's,  1544  (Kohl's  Maine,  p. 
297),  which  indicates  the  influence  of  Verrazano  by  its  isthnuis  and 
Western  Sea,  but  tiie  author  of  the  map  falls  back  upon  the  ideas  of  the 
old  geographers,  who  made  America  a  part  of  Asia.  The  nomencla- 
ture of  this  sketch  is  scanty,  though  near  latitude  40?  N.  is  seen  "  Mon 
tagiie  Verde,"  a  name  then  in  general  use.  In  his  coast  line,  as  in  his 
general  system,  Ruscelli  distinctly  repudiates  Ribero,  whose  alleged 
influence  in  Italy  never  existed.  The  map  published  by  RaiiiUiio  at 
Venice  in  1534  has  been  attributed  cither  to  Ribero  or  to  the  anony- 
mous map  of  1527,  which,  together  with  Ribero's  map,  passed  into 
Italy  at  an  early  period.  (Murphy's  "  Verrazano,"  p.  125.)  This,  how- 
ever, is  a  mistake.  The  map  upon  which  Ramusio  based  his  sketch  of 
1534  was  a  map  in  the  Museum  of  the  Propaganda,  of  which  a  section 
IS  given  herewith.  Ribero  was  repudiated  by  his  own  countryman, 
Oviedo,  in  1534,  when  that  writer  described  the  North  Atlantic  coast 
from  the  map  of  Alonzo  Chaves. 

A  sketch  from  the  map  is  given  in  connection  with  Ramusio's  ''Indie 
OcciilcHtali,"  Venice,  1534,  that  the  reader  may  make  the  comparison, 
which  shows  that  the  published  map  was  based  upon  the  manuscript 


r 


Tin;  \i;kkazam')  map 


53 


chart.  This  map  is  uiuhitcd,  but  it  is  an  c-ariy  production,  and  no  part 
of  it  has  ever  been  published  until  now.  A  tjenenil  account  of  it  isgivrn 
by  Thonimasy.  {Xoinrl/cs  Aiiimhs  .us  J'oj',ii,rs,  T.  XXXV,  1855,  n.  s.)  It  is 
of  considerable  int-  ^st,  apart  from  the  {frcscnt  discussion,  for  the  reason 
that  on  the  line  ol  division  traced  by  F^)pe  Alexander  VI.  on  a  map 
which  divided  the  New  World  between  Spain  aiul  Portug'al,  there  is  the 
following  :  Car/a  ifhisionis  CasicUaruiii  ct  Portugiuu.  The  inscription  i? 
given  verbatim.     The  map  h:is  been  consirlered  as  of  Italian  origin. 


"•^'^■-i    \  l.Exiraetfi-oTtiajtiapiH'tia 

■^  -J       Propaqanda-fJiom^i 

2.Fxiraet  froTTt  HieMorptil 
^    n\  RamutiVs/noitOccmantnii:. 

•^  ]]  Venice  ,  153^  . 


Here  attention  may  be  directed  to  the  fact  that  our  second  map 
from  the  Propaganda  has  been  referred  to  as  the  work  of  Verrazano. 


54 


TIIL   VERrU\ZANO    MAP 


Of  this,  however,  no  proof  is  given,  and  the  error  may  be  explained 
easily,  though  it  appears  in  a  very  sumptuous  and  valuable  work  some- 
what recently  published  at  Rome,  and  entitled  "  StudJ  Bibliografici," 
etc.  At  page  358,  under  the  year  1528,  is  the  following:  "  177  [No.]. 
Carta  Xautica  di  Gerolaino  Verrazzano."  This  is  the  map  of  which  we 
speak,  and  from  which  our  copy  was  taken  by  the  writer.  At  the  most, 
we  could  refer  nothing  more  than  the  mechanical  cvecution  of  this  par- 
ticular map  to  Hieronimo.  In  the  volume  referred  to,  the  true  Verra- 
zano  Map  is  catah^gued  in  its  proper  place. 

Turning  next  to  the  Ptolemy  of  1548,  we  find  a  map  drawn  by  Gas- 
taldi,  which  is  the  counterpart  of  Ruscelli's.  These  two  cartographers 
worked  together.  This  map  recognizes  the  Sea  of  Verrazano,  and 
repudiates  Ribcro.  Another  map  in  the  same  volume  recognizes  Ver- 
razano without  the  open  sea.  It  puts  a  cape  in  40^  N.,  taken  from 
Ramusio's  map  of  1534,  and  incorporates  northwaid  a  coast  line  from 
Verrazano,  at  the  same  time  expunging  the  refcicnce  t{j  the  voyage 
(jf  Gomez.  In  this  map  a  tr.  .ngular-shaped  island  ("  Brisa")  lies  oppo- 
site one  ot  the  deep  indentures.  It  bears  six  of  the  Verrazano  names, 
three  of  which  are  peculiar  to  the  Florentine,  namely,  "  Angoulesme," 
"p.  Refugio,"  and  "  Monte  de  Trigo."  It  will  be  observed,  however, 
that  the  parts  of  the  coast  line  used  are  removed  from  the  central  por- 
tion of  the  coast  where  they  were  placed,  and  removed  to  Nova  Scotia, 
for  the  purpose  of  keeping  them  in  the  latitude  erroneously  assigned. 
It  is  evident  that  the  Italian  geographers  had  obtained  no  new  knowl- 
edge of  that  part  ui  the  roast,  and  were  laboring  under  the  mistake  into 
which  they  were  led  by  the  false  latitudes  of  Hieronimo.  Therefore, 
the  delineation  iA  the  entire  coast  of  Long  Island,  Rhode  Island,  Con- 
necticut and  Massachusetts  was  carried  northward  to  the  refdon  of 
Cape  Breton.  This  mistake  was  perpetuated  by  others,  who  had  no 
fresh  surveys  of  the  coast  to  show  them  where  the  delineations  in 
question  belonged.     Thus  error  was  accumulated  upon  error. 

To  the  names  already  given  as  occurring  on  the  Verrazano  Map, 
those  of  "Nurumbega"  and  "  Brisa "  may  be  added.  The  latter  is 
intended  for  "  Luisa."  The  map  by  Gastaldi,  found  in  Ramusio's  third 
volume  of  1556,  follows  the  Verrazano  outline  more  closely,  though, 
through  a  mistake  of  the  Engraver,  who  blunders  tw.ce,  "  Brisa  "  be- 
comes "  Briso,"  while  the  island  loses  its  triangular  form.  Tn  the  same 
volume  of  Ramusio  is  a  map  that  relates  to  Parmentier's  voyage  to  the 
East  Indies  1529,  when  he  named  three  islands,  respectively,  "La 
Parmentiere,"  "La  Marguerite"  and  "La  Louise,"  in  honor,  first  of 


i  I 


rHK    VKRKAZANO    MAI' 


55 


himself,  and  alterwards  uf  the  sister  and  mother  of  Francis  I.  Two  of 
the  names  appear  in  the  map  as  "  La  lauyse  "  and  "  La  formetie  "  (Vitel's 
"Ilistoire,"  11,88;.  Thus  the  Regent  had  iico  ishinds  named  in  her 
lienor.  Gastaldi's  map  of  1556  evidently  was  intended  to  illustrate  the 
Letter  of  V^errazano. 

Iwo  years  later,  Ilomcm,  at  Venice,  drew  a  map  which  again  re- 
called the  Verrazano  >Lap,  throvgh  Gastaldi,and  bv  means  of  the  names 
"Monte  do  Trigo  "  and  "Golesme"  for  "Angolesmc."  The  Island  of 
Luisa  and  the  "Port  of  Refuge"  arc  delineated,  but  their  names  are 
omitted.  Again,  in  1561.  Ruscelli  reproduced,  substantially,  a  copy  of 
Gastaldi's  map  of  1548.  In  these  maps  there  is  no  reference'to  the  name 
of  \  errazano,  though  his  voyage  is  recognized  by  the  nomenclature. 

We  next  come  to  Mcrcator's  map  of  1569,  when  the  plan  is  found  to 
be  entu-ely  different,  this  evidently  being  in  accordance  with  those  of 
his  work  which,  according  to  WiUes,  did  open  a  gulf  between  "the 
West  Indies  and  the  extreme  northern  line."  Willes  (Hakiuyt,  III,  25) 
mentions  that  the  globes  of  the  Italian  Moletius,  whom  he  associates 
with  Mercator,  possessed  the  same  features.  This  map  of  \-^G<j  shows 
all  the  new  discoveries  in  the  North,  but  leaves  the  Atlantic  coast  line  in 
a  poorer  condition  than  in  1541.  MercrUor  had  now  seen  the  map  of 
Ruscelli  a:id  Gastaldi  in  the  Ptolemies  and  in  Ramusio's  Collection  of 
\  oyages,  and  he  allowed  himself  \.o  be  overruled  by  them.  Accordingly 
he  placed  the  indented  coast  and  the  Island  of  "  Briso "  where  the 
mistakes  f)f  Gastaldi  and  Ramusio  had  located  them,  near  Cape  Breton, 
and  omitted  his  former  representations  of  the  coast  covering  the  line 
between  New  Jersey  and  New  York.  In  the  place  of  this  he  left  a  great 
bay  occupying  the  space  that  should  have  been  given  to  the  outlines  of 
L.jng  Island  and  the  New  England  coast.  He  was  nevertheless  true  to 
the  Verrazano  idea,  as  expressed  both  in  the  Map  and  Letter.  This  is 
an  important  point,  for  he  had  now  read  the  Letter  and  was  reassured  of 
the  f'  t  that  there  should  be  a  triangular  shaped  island  near  latitude 
41^  40' N.,  also  thn  the  region  should  be  made  approachable  by  water 
from  the  West.  He  accordingly  laid  the  island  down,  with  Norumbega 
at  the  West,  in  common  with  Allefonsce,  calling  this  island  ."  Claudia," 
instead  of  Luisa,  giving  the  name  of  the  wife  and  not  the  mother  of 
Francis  L  The  origin  of  the  names  "  Briso  "  and  "  Claudia  "  on  the  map 
of  Mercator  is  therefore  perfectly  clear.  In  the  future  this  map  may  be 
remembered  for  its  double  representation  of  the  Island  of  Luisa  and  the 
V'"er!azano  Vovasre. 

Finally  we  proceed  to  England,  and  learn  that  a  map  was  presented 


56 


THE    VEKI-L.\ZANO    MAI' 


to  Henry  Vlll.  by  Verrazano.  A  sKctcli  by  Luk,  based  upon  this  map, 
appears  in  Hakluyt's  *'  Divers  Voyages"  of  1582.  It  is  numbered  VIII. 
in  our  list  of  sketches. 

In  support  of  liis  theory  of  a  northern  passage,  Hakluyt  says  in  that 
work  :  "  Master  John  Verazarms,  uiiich  had  been  thrise  on  that  coast,  in 
an  old  and  excellent  niappe  which  he  gave  to  King  Ilenrie  Eight,  and 
is  yet  in  the  custodic  of  Master  Locke,  doth  so  lay  it  out  as  scene  in  the 
map  annexed  to  the  end  of  this  bokc,  being  made  according  to  Verazanus 
plat."  In  a  work  lately  published  by  the  Maine  Historical  Sijciety, 
Hakluyt  also  says  that  "  there  is  a  mightie  large  olde  mappc  in  {)arch- 
ment,  made,  as  yt  shoulde  seme,  by  Verarsanus,  traced  all  alonge  the 
coaste  from  Florida  to  Cape  Briton,  with  many  Italian  names,  which 
laieth  oute  the  sea,  makingc  a  little  neck  of  lande  in  40.  degrees  of 
latitude,  much  like  the  streyte  necke  or  istmus  of  Dariena.  This  mappe 
is  now  in  the  custodie  of  Mr.  Michael  Locke."  Again  he  says,  "  there 
is  an  olde  excellent  globe  in  the  Queencs  privie  gallery  at  Westminster, 
which  also  seemeth  to  be  of  Verarsanus  makingc,  havinge  the  coaste 
described  in  Italian,  which  laieth  oute  the  very  selfe  same  streite  necke 
of  lande  in  the  latitude  of  40.  degrees,  with  the  sea  joynninge  harde  on 
bothe  sides,  as  it  dolh  on  Panama  and  Nombre  di  Dios ;  which  were  a 
mattei  of  singular  iniportannce,  yf  it  shoulde  be  true,  as  it  is  not 
unlikely." 

The  map  of  Lok,  which  Hakluyt  says  was  based  upcjn  Verrazano's, 
shows  evidence  of  the  Verrazano  Voyage  by  the  inscription  "  Marc  de 
Verrarsana,  1524,"  placed  over  an  open  sea  west  (jf  the  istluuus  in  latitude 
40°  N.  That  this  date  was  given  by  Lok,  as  several  others  were,  is  not 
proven,  though  probably  true;  but  to  say  that  Verrazano  C(juld  not 
have  claimed  or  suggested  the  discovery  of  an  open  sea,  because  no  sea 
existed,  would  be  indefensible,  for  the  reason  that  it  might  be  affirmed 
with  equal  propriety  that  Frobisher  could  not  have  claimed  the 
discovery  of  an  open  sea  leading  to  Cathay,  though  he  made  this  claim 
absolutely  "  with  vehement  words,  speeches  and  oaths,"  and  "  by  the 
discovery  of  a  new  world,  was  become  a  second  Columbus"  (Calendar 
of  Colonial  S.  Papers,  1513-16,  p.  58).  Frobisher's  Strait  is  laid  down 
by  Lok  on  the  map  showing  the  Verrazano  Sea,  and  is  found  on 
Frobisher's  own  curious  and  rare  map  of  1578,  covering  from  twelve  t(< 
fifteen  degrees  of  latitude.  Both  of  these  fancied  seas  grew  out  of  real 
voy-iges.  That  of  Verrazano  was  in  accordance  with  his  geographical 
ideas,  and  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  natives,  who  were  continu- 
ally representing  an  open  sea  at  the  West.     Popham   in   1607  wrote  to 


'illt:    VEKKAZANf;    MM' 


57 


tviii^^  James  from  Sa;,^aclah(jc,  Maine,  not  only  that  "  nulniej^^s  and  l:!i- 
aamon  "  were  found,  but  that  tlie  colonists  were  within  a  short  distance 
of  the  R'lcitic.  His  letter,  f,nven  in  the  Maine  Collections  (Vol.  V.,  s.  i., 
p.  360),  contains  the  ftjllowin^^  :  "  So  far  as  relate  to  commerce,  there 
arc  in  these  parts  siiagbarks,  nutmegs  and  cinnamon,  besides  pine  wood, 
and  Brasilian  cochineal  and  ambcri,ais,  with  many  other  products  of 
great  value,  and  these  in  the  greatest  abundance.  Besides,  they  posi- 
tively assure  me  tliat  there  is  a  sea  in  the  opposite  or  Western  part  of 
this  l^rovince,  distant  not  more  than  seven  days'  journey  from  our  Fort 
of  St.  George,  in  Sagadahoc,  a  sea  large,  wide  and  deep,  the  boundaries 
of  which  they  arc  wholly  ignorant  of.  This  caiuiot  be  any  other  than 
the  Soutiicni  Ocean,  reaching  to  the  region  of  China,  which  unquestion- 
ably cannot  be  far  from  these  regions." 

This  notion  prevailed  d<nvn  to  a  comparatively  late  pericjd.  In  1651 
Stephens(jn  published  "  New  Brittanie,"  containing  a  very  curious 
map,  in  which  the  Hudson  River  is  represented  as  running  to  the 
Pacific,  while  the  region  (jf  Georgia  is  represented  as  no  wider  than  the 
tlistance  on  the  Atlantic  coast  from  Cape  Hatteras  io  Cape  Charles. 

On  the  space  appropriated  to  the  Pacihc  is  written  "the  Sea  of 
China  and  the  Indies,"  near  which  is  a  portrait  of  Sir  Francis  Drake. 
The  legend  upon  the  coast  is  as  follows  : 

'•  Sir  Francis  Drake  was  on  tliis  sea  and  landed  An"  1577  in  37  de"-. 
wiiere  her  tooke  P(;ssession  in  the  name  of  Q:  Eliza:  calling  it  new 
Albion.  Wliose  happy  shoers,  (in  ten  dayes  march  witii  50  (ootc  and 
30  Imrscmcn  from  the  head  of  lames  River,  ouer  those  iiiUs  and  through 
tie  rich  adjacent  Valleys  beautyfied  with  as  profitable  rivers,  which 
necessarily  must  run  int(j  ye  pcacefull  Indian  Sea,  may  be  discouered,  to 
tlie  exceeding  benefit  of  Great  Brittain,  and  joye  of  all  true  English." 
Such  was  the  view  of  the  English  at  this  late  period,  who  fancied  that  a 
tract  of  land  not  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  wide  existed 
between  the  head  oi  the  James  River  and  the  sea.  Verrazano  undoubt- 
edly believed  the  notion,  and  even  may  have  fancied  tliat  he  saw  the  sea. 
To  object  to  the  authenticity  of  his  voyage  for  this  reason  would  be  idle. 

In  order  to  show  the  bearing  of  Lok's  map  upon  the  Vovage,  it  is 
necessary  to  consider  the  method  of  its  construction.  Using  a  copy  of 
the  Verrazano  Map  in  some  res  >ects  different,  perhaps,  from  the  Roman 
copy,  yet  substantially  the  same,  and  furnished  as  we  know  with  the 
Italian  names,  Lok  employed  what  best  suited  his  purpose,  which  was 
the  illustration  of  his  theory  of  a  western  passage  to  Cathay,  at  the  same 
time  introducing  fancied  improvements.     Following  the  incorrect  rep- 


!i' 


!!. 


58 


THE   VEKKAZANO    MAP 


resentation  of  Cape  Breton,  he  nevertheless  amended  all  the  latitudes, 
while  the  outline  of  the  New  England  coast  is  noticeable  for  its  resem- 
blance to  Gastaldi's,  evidently  drawn  from  a  copy  of  the  Verrazano 
Map,  possessing  variations  similar  to  those  on  the  map  of  Henry  VIII. 
The  island  of  Gastaldi,  called  "  Briso  "  through  the  fault  of  the  engraver, 
is  called  "Claudia"  by  Lok  ;  but  the  relative  position  is  the  same  in  bcjth 
maps,  the  island  lying  west  of  the  Gulf  of  Refuge,  which  contains  other 
islands,  with  two  separate  islands  eastward,  while  further  west  is  the 
region  called,  on  the  other  maps,  "Angouleme."  Lok,  like  Gastaldi, 
makes  Norumbega  insular.  Lok  changes  names,  but  delineates  the 
corresponding  tilings.  He  changes  the  shape  and  position  assigned  to 
the  island  of  Luisa  by  Mercator,  though  he  adopts  the  name  of  Claudia, 
instead  of  Luisa.  He  also  rejects  the  error  of  Mercator  in  duplicating 
the  island.  Lok  understood  perfectly  well  that  the  two  islands,  called 
by  Mercator  Claudia  and  Briso,  were  the  same.  He  indeed  supposes 
that  Claudia  was  the  correct  name  for  the  mother  of  Francis,  but 
Hakkn-t  knew  that  Lok  was  in  error ;  and,  in  the  margin  of  the  Verra- 
zano Letter,  says,  "Claudia  was  the  wife  of  King  Francis,"  thus  correct- 
ing Lok,  not  Verrazano.  Therefore,  until  it  can  be  shown  that  not  only 
the  name  of  Luisa  but  the  island  itself  w^s  wanting  in  the  map  of  Henry 
VIII,  it  will  be  useless  to  deny  that  that  map,  like  the  Propaganda  copy, 
contained  a  clear  recognition  of  tlie  Voyage. 

If  it  should  be  said  that  Lok  did  take  the  island,  as  well  as  the  name, 
from  Mercator,  it  may  also  be  said  that  he  copied  the  Azores  from 
Mercator,  and  therefore  that  the  Azores  were  not  in  the  map  of  Henry 
VIII.  It  is  too  late  now,  however,  to  pursue  such  a  line  of  disputation, 
as  the  reality  of  the  influence  of  the  Verrazano  Map  throughout  a  long 
period  is  something  that  in  the  future  may  not  be  denied. 

It  remains  to  make  few  observations  concerning  the  nomenclature  of 
the  map,  which,  however,  will  demand  continued  study  in  the  future. 
The  names  are  about  one  hundred  in  number,  and  some  of  them  are 
repeated,  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  old  cartographers.  On  the 
Florida  section  the  influence  of  the  names  on  the  map  of  15 13  is  notice- 
able. Several  of  the  names  are  not  easily  explained,'  though  "  Olimpo" 
is  probably  Cape  Olimpe,  in  Cyprus.  "La  Victoria"  is  a  name  used 
upon  the  South  America  portion  of  the  map.  It  is  a  reminiscence  of 
Magellan.  Proceeding  up  the  coast,  it  will  be  perceived  that  various 
names  are  suggested  by  the  Letter  of  the  Navigator,  and  have  a  manifest 
fitness.  Near  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  is  "  Baia  Sancti  di  loanni."  At 
this  point  the  map  of  Allefonsce  has   a  relation  to  that  of  Verrazano, 


THE   VERRAZANO    MAP 


59 


.hou-ing  "  Isle  dc  Salnct  Jolian."  Some  of  the  names  of  the  Newfouiul- 
land  section  arc  not  ([u'lte  legible  on  tlic  original  map,  and  where  doubt- 
ful readings  occur,  they  have  been  indicated.  The  significance  of  the 
most  of  the  names,  however,  is  apparent  at  a  glance  ;  "  farilhan  "  being 
the  "Farralones,"  or  detached  rocks,  a  name  found  in  every  part  of  the 
world  in  various  forms,  but  with  a  single  meaning.  ••  Monte  de  Trigo," 
is  the  Spanish  for  wheat.  In  the  voyage  of  Cartier  (Ilakluvt,  HI,  213) 
there  is  a  reference  to  this  mountain,  described  as  a  "  hill  like  a  heap  of 
corn."     Fuoco  is  Fire  Island. 

About  twenty  of  the  names  found  on   tlie  central  i)ortions  of  the 
coast  are  French,  more  or  less  disguised   in  an  Italian  dress.     But  the 
author  soon  perceived  the  fact  that  they  were  taken  from  a  route  of 
travel  across  France  from  Dieppe  to  La  Rochelle,  a  route  with  which 
Hieronhiio  was  acquainted,  as  it  is  sufficiently  evident  that  he  passed 
some   time   in    France,   probably  in    attending   to   the   interests   of  his 
brother.     Beginning  at  Dieppe,  the  route  passes  Longueville  and  St. 
George,  touches  at  Rouen,  \v!iere  Giovanni  had  provided  for  the  recog- 
nition of  Jerome,  his  "brother  and  heir,"  as  his  commissioner  and  "at- 
torney."    Thence  the  road   runs  direct  to  San   Germano,  or  St.  Gcr- 
main-en-laye,    the    favorite   residence  of    Francis   I.,  whose    name  was 
associated  with  the  principal  places  mentioned.     The  Forest  of  St.  Ger- 
mainc,  one  of  the  largest  in  France,  was  perhaps  in  mind  when  Hiero- 
nimo  wrote  "  La  Foresta  "  upon  his  map,  though  at  the  same  time  he 
must  have  remembered   the  splendid    forests  described  in  the  Letter. 
"  Lamuctto  "  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  waeth;  or  famous  kennel 
biiiit  by  Francis  I.  in  the  forest,  though  a  village  of  the  name  still  exists. 
'^Bcividerc"  might  perhaps  recall  the  terrace  of  St.  Germaine,  which 
commands  the  celebrated  view  of  Paris.     "Casino,"  or  the  little  house, 
if  one  were  inclined  to  indulge  the  imagination,  might  have  referred  to 
one  of  the  pavillions,'  but  Casino  is  also  connected  with  San  Germano 
in  Italy.     Selva  de  Cervi  recalls  the  deer  parks  of  Francis  in  tf.-  "Selva 
Ledia,"  as  well  as  the  deer  parks  of  America.     Around  St.  Germaine 
the  two  brothers  may  have  lingered  from  time  to  time,  awaiting  the 
decisions  of  Francis  respecting  the  expeditions  that  interested  him  so 
greatly. 

Next  the  route  passes  to  Vendome,  a  place  famous  for  its  connec- 
tion with  the  family  of  Francis  I.  ;  thence  on  by  the  way  of  St.  Anne, 
St.  Savin  and  Mont  Morrillon,  the  latter  signifying  the  black  grape[ 
which  appears  to  have  been  translated  into  the  Italian  "  Morrelo  "  or 
nightshade.     Afterwards  Nantiat  is   reached— in  the  map  axUed  Lanun- 


6o 


Tin;    VEKKA/ANO    MAI' 


tiate,  which  may  refer  also  U)  the  festival  of  the  Anmiiiciatioii,  whicn 
occurred  while  Giovanni  was  on  the  coast.  Thence  the  ro:id  touches 
Angoulenie,  the  birth  place  of  I'rancis,  who  was  called  by  Louis  XII 
"  Le  j^^ros  garf;on  (i'AnL,o)uiLine."  Next  we  find  St.  Savinien  and  Au\- 
pruncles,  conduct iii^,'^  to  La  Rochelle,  the  Navif^;itor  being  described  by 
Ilerrera  as  "  Iloriu  (Ic  la  Rochelle."  Names  like  San  Siano  and  San 
Gf)rgio  doubtless  had  Italian  connections,  yet  it  is  curious  to  observe 
how  these  names,  taken  together,  indicate  the  route  between  the  two 
great  seaports  ol  France.  The  nr)menclature,  therefore,  is  similar  to 
what  might  have;  been  expected  from  an  Italian  some  time  resident  in 
France,  where,  in  the  sunshine  of  royal  favor,  Mieronimo  probably 
compiled  his  map,  at  the  same  time  attending  to  the  interests  of  his 
brother.  The  Navigator's  "little  book"  doubtless  afffjrded  suggestions 
to  Jerome.  "  Le  figla  di  navarra"  appears  to  refer  to  the  King  of 
Navarre,  the  husband  of  Margurite  of  Angouleme,  sister  of  Francis  I. 
It  might  also  be  considered  a  recognition  of  Margurite  herself,  as  she 
was  acquainted  with  American  exploration,  and  based  one  of  her  stories 
upon  incidents  in  the  voyage  of  Roberval." 

This  same  route  of  travel  is  indicated  upon  the  globe  of  Vlpius, 
1542,  which  was  copied  from  the  Verrazano  Map.  In  this  series  we 
have  the  additional  names  of  Normanvilla,  near  Diepi)e,  and  P(jrt 
Royal,  the  home  of  the  Jansenists  favored  by  Margurite;  while  on 
Ramusio's  maj)  of  1556  is  found  "  Paradis,"  the  name  of  Margurite's 
Hebrew  teacher. 

Ramusio  m  1553  said  that.  Oviedo  (who  rejected  Riberoj  and  some 
"  excellent  Frenchmen  "  had  sent  maps  to  Italy,  and  that  they  would 
be  put  in  their  [)roper  place  with  some  rejiorts  of  New  France,  amongst 
which  no  doubt  was  the  Verrazano  Letter.  The  reports  were  not 
printed  until  three  years  after,  and  jjossibly  other  maps  were  in  tlie 
meanwhile  acquired.  But  whether  so  or  not,  a  sketch  of  the  Verrazano 
Map  was  used  in  the  map  of  155'''.  Jerome  doubtless  left  sketches  with 
the  French  navigators.  In  this  connection  it  must,  however,  he 
observed  that  the  use  of  the  Verrazano  Map  by  Ramusio  was  antici- 
pated no  less  than  fourteoi  years  by  the  Florentine  globe  maker.  It  is, 
therefore,  probable  that  the  drawings,  which  appeared  to  have  been 
received  Vjy  Ramusio  about  the  year  1553,  were  those  which  related  to 
Carticr.  The  sketch  published  by  him  in  1556  makes  no  mention  of 
Carticr,  while  the  fact  that  Canada  is  left  blank  shows  that  it  was  drawn 
at  an  early  period,  before  that  region  was  known.  We,  therefore,  may 
( laim  Ramusio's  map,  in  one  sense,  as  a  Verrazano  Map. 


Tin-;  vki:ka/a\o  map 


6t 


Some  of  thcskctdics  hy  tl:,.   •'excellent  Frenchmen"   were  used  in 
i-rancc,   simultrmeoiisly  with   their  appearance   in    Italy,  in    1^4-      The 
great  maj.   of  Henry  ILfsee  Jomard's  Atlasj  hears  ei^ht  of  the  Verr'i 
/..no  names  m  a  modified  f.,rm,  as   follows:  C.  chi  Mont,  R.  des  c-moe's 
U.  (le   hone    \  >ste,  Les  (iermaines,  Anorobaga,   C.  de   longuc,   R.   her- 
ij.ol.,,  Mot  de  fngo.     To  these  nnght  be  added  ;   R.  des   I'ahnes  and  R 
oe  bone  mere-      1  he  maker  of  this  map  appears   to  have  known  of  the 
.S\rti;,     ()]   Verrazano. 

Dr.  Kohl,  n(.t  being  acquainted  with  the  Verrazano  Map  did  „,.t 
understand  the  <.rigin  of  Ramusio's,  while  for  the  same  reason  others 
have  made  the  mr.st  of  what  was  snpj.osed  to  be  a  fact,  namclv,  that 
ttie  I-rench  map  of  ,54,,  rbawn  in  the  time  of  Francis  I.,  cr.nfained  no 
ren,m,scence  of  the  Voyage  of  Verrazano.  The  identificatir.n  of  these 
names,  however,  should  moderate  the  objector's  zeal 

liuicrn  (Ra/^no,n  Omrrrsa//,  cd.  1640,  p.  ,;3,  savs  that  the  French 
gave  the  names  "  porto  del  reh.gio,  Porto  reale,  il  Faradiso,  Flora  An 
goie.ne.  It  would  thus  appear  that  he  had  seen  a  Verrazano  Ma',,  or 
the  globe  of  Vlpms,  and  perhaps  both.  The  authority  for  his  statern'ent 
's  not  given,  but  whether  he  had  any  authority  or  not,  it  is  sufficiently 
truf,  since  the  names  resulted  in  m  a  Frencii  voyage. 

'.Vith  this  brief  descriptir>„  and   riefense  of  the"  Maj>  of   Verrazano 
we  rest  the  present  discussion.      In   treating  of  the  names  we  have  con' 
hned   ourselves  to  th<;so  found  upon   the  North  American  j-ortions      In 
due  time  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  entire   map  may  be  produced  in  fac 
swuh;  since  it  merits  at  least  that  much  attention  on  the  part  of  crco<rra 
phers.     No  subsequent  examination  <A  the  Map,  however,  will  be  likely 
to   render   the  American   names  much   clearer.     Acids  applied   to  the 
I.archment   might  perhaps  make  the   orthography  of  several    worrls  a 
little  more  distinct,  but  those  about  which  there  can  be  any  real  doubt 
are  bey(jnd  question  quite  unimportant.     f)ur  own  readings  have  been 
confirmed  by  the  independent  judgment  of  two  very  competent  eccle- 
siasf  ics  and  scholars,  resident  at  Rome,  to  whom  the  writer  is  indebted 
for  his  introduction  to  the  priceless  maps  of  the  Borghian  Museum  of 
tl.-e  \  ropaganda.     The  reader  may  not  therefore  look  forward  to  any 
substantial  improvement  in  the  rendering  of  the  coast  names  upon  the 
Verrazano  s.<etch  accomjanying  this  discussion.     The  modei-.i  student 
now  for  the  first  time  .^  c  s  before  his  eyes,  "traced  all  alonge  the  coaste 
from  Florida  to  Cape  Britton,"  the  "many  Italian  names  "  that  met  the 
wondering  gaze  of  Henry  VIII.,  of  Michael  Lok  and  Richard  Haklnyt 
a.  they  bent  over  the  "  mightie  large  olde  mappe  "  which,  as  the  latter' 


62 


THE   VERKAZANO    MAP 


informs  us,  was  made  by  Vcrrazano.  Whcilicr  the  copy  preserved 
at  Rome  is  tb  ;  orijjinal  map  or  not,  it  may  now  be  difficult  to  deto;- 
minc.  If  not  original^  is  beyond  doubt  a  fair  copy  ol  a  very  early  date. 
That  a  copy  was  presented  to  Henry  VIII.  can  no  longer  be  questioned. 
There  is  found  on  the  map  the  kind  of  ships,  with  both  sails  and  oars, 
that  were  built  in  the  Breton  ports  at  the  time  (July  1:2,  1522;,  when 
Andrew,  Bishop  of  Murray,  Scotland,  according  to  Gaillard  {liistoire 
FratK^ois  Premier,  VII,  223-4),  exhorted  Francis  I.  to  make  himself  master 
of  the  sea ;  but  what  is  more  to  the  point,  a  variety  of  facts  and  argu- 
ments concur  in  proving  that  Hakluyt's  testimony  is  true,  and  that  we 
have  before  us  a  coi)y  of  a  very  ancient  document,  marked  by  all  the 
peculiarities  of  authenticity.  The  historic  world  may,  therefore,  possi- 
bly incline  to  believe  that  it  has  not  waited  until  now  in  vain  for  the 
Propaganda  to  yield  up  its  testimony  to  the  Voyage  of  Verrazano. 

In  closing  wc  desire  to  call  attention  to  a  few  points  which  have  been 
substantiated  in  discussing  the  Letter,  the  Voyage  and  the  Map.  With 
respect  to  the  Letter,  it  has  been  made  to  appear  that  it  certainly  existed 
ill  two  versior\ — Ramusio's  and  Carli's — and  probably  in  French  and 
Spanish ;  strong  reasons  even  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  original 
version  was  written  in  French.  Again,  by  a  comparison  of  texts, 
the  charges  against  Ramusio  have  been  dissipated.  With  respect  to  the 
date  of  the  Letter,  the  discussion  yields  fresh  proof,  and  establishes  the 
fact  that  it  was  written  at  the  period  claimed.  Now,  also,  that  the 
contents  of  the  Map  arc  known,  we  are  able  to  prove  thai  the  Map 
was  based  upon  the  Letter ;  and  since  a  copy  of  the  Map  itself  was 
presented  to  Henry  VIII.  by  Giovanni  da  Verrazano,  the  Letter  must 
have  existed  prior  to  1527-8  ;  thus  disposing  of  the  theory  that  it  was  the 
work  of  a  forger  near  1540-5.  In  dealing  with  the  Voyage,  it  has  been 
shown  that  it  could  not  have  been  deduced  from  the  map  of  Ribero, 
1527,  as  physical  impossibilities  interfered  ;  the  same  also  being  apparent 
from  the  fact  just  stated,  that  the  Letter  preceded  the  Map  presented  to 
Henry  VIII.,  1527-8,  and,  therefore,  that  both  Letter  and  Map  described 
the  Voyage  before  the  work  of  Ribero  existed.  The  internal  evidence 
of  the  Letter  to  the  authenticity  of  the  Voyage  has  also  been  developed, 
showing  the  inaccuracy  of  the  charge  that  the  descriptions  of  the  country 
and  people  found  in  the  Letter  do  not  agree  with  what  actually  existed  ; 
since  it  has  been  shown  that  the  accounts  are  at  variance  with  those  of 
untravelled  European  writers  of  those  times,  and  convey  facts  that  could 
have  been  gleaned  only  by  an  actual  voyager,  like  Verrazano,  in  sailing 
along  the  coast,  the  descriptions  often  being  so  striking  as  to  be  copied 


'I  UK   VEKKAZANO    MAI' 


63 


sequent  adventurers,  and  bein-  full,  also,  with  respect  to  those 
)f  the  coast  of  which  nothing-  was  known. 

;  genesis  of  the  Map  has  liiccwisc  been  pointed  out  for  the  first 
nd  the  chart  of  Hieronimo  da  Verrazano  takes  its  proper  place  in 
I  Cartology  within  about  three  years  of  the  date  of  the  Voyage  • 
ts  influence  upon  later  maps  has  been  rendered  apparent  in  a  way 
IS  impossible  before  the  Verrazano  coast  names  were  made  known 
at  every  point,  there  is  exhibited  the  action  of  a  strong  and 
■ent  mmd  in  free  communication  with  the  new  world,  and  we 
)re  claim  that  Verrazano  is  Vindicated. 


".heTr"f'cct''!'f '  Rout.'''  '"'  ""•='  ""  '°^'  ''''^'"B  be.n  made  for  .he  writer  by  author- 

^rcHtiout;"^.irr;? nt';s;^^' '""  ""'""'■  -'"^«^-'  -^^  -  >•- At.a,.  au., 

s  given  in  a  moaiiita  fcn;in,  and  the  north-east  portion,  called   "  Terra  de  Lavo-atore  "  i. 
cord.ngto   he  Mapof  Cosa    or  from  some  map  that  agreed  with  Cosa'.      b'.    vTv'di 
dopt  /enos  Greenland  as  America?     To  explain  this  fully  would  require  ,n, re  sVace 

e^';^;ndh'dV^t^lo^';^l•  ",?"'-  ""'  ■^'r'""^'  ^"'^^^  '°  "^  "-'  '"  '^^i  ll^e  k now lldp 
re,.i..ind   lad  I.een  1. -t  (Nortiimen  ni  Maine,  p.  3S)  .and  Zeno's  .account  of  I'-m  co-.Vv 
d  y  discredited    the  view  given  by  I'tolemy  being  adopted  by  Jiordone,  as   a ter   and  co7 

ho  n>o,e  reliable      Both  the  pre  and  post-Columbian  editions  of  Ptolemy  made      reen" 

of  Europe,  pushing  <,ut  into  the  sea  from  Norway.      liordone  followed  tWcoUn  ion' 

hatZeno  was  v,-ro,ig  ,n  placing  the  name  of  Greenland  upon  tl.e  count    es  at    lee    " 

ctualy  saw  the  Zeno  map  in  1521  or  earlier  is  not  only  evident  from  The  outlneoi; 

filled  m  with  r^rountains  after  the  style  of  Zeno.  but  also  fr,.m  his  draui^go    Iceland 
da  The  style  of  the  letters  forming  the  word  "  Islanda"  are  exactly  bke    ho  e  of 

^the  curious  and  convincing  fact  is  that  Bordone  u.es  the  same  stvle  of  l-fteV^^;,  .  X 
loeverexammes  this  subject  will  lind  the  most  decided  proof  that  Bo  done  wa,  fami^ 
.e  Zeno  Chart  in  152 1   which  overturns  the  theory  that  that  nua  ^vas  t^To  "  ry  ^ 

15  =  8.       Bordone  s,    which   shows   a  strait   onenint'   thrmurh    tl,i   w     "'"'^t'-'y  °'  '"e 
Uitudeof  the.  Azores   marked   -Stre.to  pte  li:? 'nfedo      t;  "'". the"s  ""   iaTt'ofThe 
la.        The  region  south  of  this  strait  bore  the  title  of  the  New  World   whi.  h^h^l 
3y  the  Spanuards.  it  being  thus  conceded  by  him  that  Zeno  mide  °he  d  s  ov  ry  of  land 
St.     The  testimony  of  Bordone  is  all  the  more  valuable,  for  the  reason  thnHM  w.  r      < 

X^z^'' '"'  ^'""°" '°  ^'"°'  ^-'  -''^'^'y  '-aVny^r;:;r^!:^;i:ru:i2; 

graphers  must  keep  clear  of  Fluellen  at  Agincourt  (Henry  V.,  A.  iv  s  --  "I  warr.nf 
rnd  in  the  comparisons  between  Macedonand  Monmouth  th.-^t  the  situuions   look  von 

eat  Monmouth,  but  1  is  out  of  my  prains  what  is  the  name  of  the  o  her  rWer  but  't  s 
IS  alike  as  my  fingers  is  to  my  fingers,  and  there  is  salmons  in  both."  '  " 

eptamercn,"  Story,  Ixvii,  relates  the  alleged  experience  of  a  wife  left  w„h  ).-    1      u      1 


62 


THE   VERRAZANO    MAI' 


informs   us,  was   made   by  Vcrrazano.     Whether  the  cupy  pre 
at  Rome  is  the  original  map  or  not,  it  may  now  be  difficult  tc 
mine.     If  not  original,  is  beyond  doubt  a  fair  copy  ol  a  very  carl 
That  a  copy  was  presented  to  Henry  VIII.  can  no  longer  be  qucs 
There  is  found  on  the   map  the  kind  of  ships,  witli  both  sails  an 
that  were  built  in  the   Breton   ports  at  the  time  (July  12,  1522 
Andrew,  Bishop  of  Murray,  Scotland,  according  to  Gaillard  {J 
Frafigois Prfffiur,  I'/f,  223-4),  exhorted  Francis  I.  to  make  himself 
of  the  sea  ;  but  what  is  more  to  the  point,  a  variety  of  facts  an( 
ments  concur  in  proving  that  Hakluyt's  testimony  is  true,  and  t 
have  before  us  a  copy  of  a  very  ancient  document,  marked  by 
peculiarities  of  authenticity.     The  historic  world  may,  therefore 
bly  incline  to  believe  that  it  has  not  waited  until  now  in  vain 
Propaganda  to  yield  up  its  testimony  to  the  Voyage  of  Verrazai 
In  closing  we  desire  to  call  attention  to  a  few  points  which  ha^ 
substantiated  in  discussing  the  Letter,  the  Voyage  and  the  Map. 
respect  to  the  Letter,  it  has  been  made  to  appear  that  it  certainly 
ill  two  versior^ — Ramusio's  and  Carli's — and  probably  in   Fren 
Spanish ;  strong  reasons  even  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  ( 
version    was   written   in    French.      Again,    by   a   comparison  o.' 
the  charges  against  Ramusio  have  been  dissipated.    With  respec 
date  of  the  Letter,  the  discussion  yields  fresh  proof,  and  establis 
fact  that  it  was   written  at  the  period  claimed.     Now,  also,  t 
contents  of  the  Map  arc  known,  we  are  able  to  prove  thac  tl 
was  based  upon   the  Letter ;   and  since  a  copy  of  the  Map  its 
presented  to  Henry  VHL  by  Giovanni  da  Vcrrazano,  the  Lettc 
have  existed  prior  to  1527-8  ;  thus  disposing  of  the  theory  that  it 
work  of  a  forger  near  1540-5.     In  dealing  with  the  Voyage,  it  h; 
shown  that  it  could  not  have  been  deduced  from  tlic  map  <jf 
1527,  as  physical  impossibilities  interfered  ;  the  same  also  being  a^ 
from  the  fact  just  stated,  that  the  Letter  preceded  the  Map  prcse 
Henry  VIII.,  1527-8,  and,  therefore,  that  both  Letter  and  ^Lap  dc 
the  Voyage  before  the  work  of  Ribero  existed.     The  internal  e 
of  the  Letter  to  the  authenticity  of  the  Voyage  has  also  been  de\ 
showing  the  inaccuracy  of  the  charge  that  the  descriptions  of  the  1 
and  people  found  in  the  Letter  do  not  agree  with  what  actually  ( 
since  it  has  been  shown  that  the  accounts  are  at  variance  with  t 
untravelled  European  writers  of  those  times,  and  convey  facts  th; 
have  been  gleaned  only  by  an  actual  voyager,  like  Vcrrazano,  in 
along  the  coast,  the  descriptions  often  being  so  striking  as  to  b< 


5?    =^ 

2^5 

4f« 

■  -  \  -  ^ 
^     -4     •/: 

■^   -v: 

J  -^     ii 

5  ^ 

.4.^ 
^    ^  *; 

5, 

•-1  t  4 

J 


v^ 


v 
^ 


I 

-I- 


.3 


Tx^ 


v! 


f! 


Vi 


^ 


•^  ^    ^-I 


■  -   n 


X 


■IIIK    VEkKAZANO    MAI' 


63 


by  .ubscquciU  adventurers,  and  being  full,  also,  with  respect  to  those 
pnrts  of  the  coast  of  which  nothin-  was  known 

The  genesis  of  the  Map  has  likewise  been  pointed  out  for  the  first 
t.me,  and  the  chart  of  Hieronimo  da  Verra.ano  takes  its  proper  place  in 
the  old  Cartology  within  about  three  years  of  the  date  of  the  \l,  -a  J- 
while  Its  niflucncc  upon  later  maps  has  been  rendered  apparent  in  a  way 
that  was  nnposs.ble  before  the  Verra.ano  coast  names  wi;e  made  knowf 
rhus.  at  every  pomt.  there  is  exhibited  the  action  of  a  strong  and 
ntcU  gent  rnmd  m  tree  communication  with  the  new  world,  and  we 
therefore  claim  that  Verrazano  is  Vindicated. 


iza,ion™'.K:f'..";'|'?'it .''"  '"^'  ■'"'■  ""  "'^^  '^^^'■"'^  '^«"  --'=  f-  'h'  -iter  by  author- 

sec  ^Et:^:^SiZ^;^:a^'-'-lVls:''-  ^'"'  ''-''-''  "-^"^'^  "«■  ^"  '^^  At,a..     Also. 

fo  Ji  ai^JiJdtn  .t'll'tSo/ Co^a"::!  ilo^l'^lT^.^'T.'''  ""^f  "l'''^  ''^  Lavora.o.e/'  is 
Bordone  adopt  Zeno's  Grcefdand  a.  a"L        '    To  T";i.  n  thrf:il/''\'r^^^'"-    ""'  ^^"^^  ""' 

land  a  par,  of  Euro,,...,  p^^ur^^^t^^^^:,^'^^^:^'^  v'T'  f.^'^'Tr ■"'"''-'  *'^'^^"- 
llm.kins-  that  Zeno  was'v.-r,,,,);  i„  i.Iai  nj  the  n  mr,  f  '  '  I  .  "^  ^r""'""''  ""'  conception, 
That  he  actually  saw  the  Z..no  n"ap  m  ?2  c!r  eXr  s  n  fnlT  T"  'r'  '''^"?'""  "^  ""=^^«'- 
own  map,  filled  in  with  mountains'^ her  he  tvie  o  Zeno  ,r'^  Tf  '  '""",  '^'-  °""'"^^  °f  '"^ 
or  "  Lslanda."      The  style  of  the  letters  form  L  the  won        ft     ^".'"  '"'  ''""'"t-^  °^  ^'-''^'^"J. 

laid  open  by  the  Spaniards,  it  bein- thus  conceded  bv  hi  niha  Z.nn  1  ,  .  ', '^''"■'''  ''^"'  '"=^" 
at  the  West.  The  testmiony  of  liordone  is  all  the  rnore  vil  fhl.  f  T  ''^  'I'^covery  of  land 
This  geographer  makes  r  /aMusion  to  7^nn    .,  i  .       ,     ,    '/""^  the  reason  that  it  i^  ,«,//V^^/, 

familiar  with  the  map  "°'  '"''    ^^•"'^"■!y  h^d  not  seen  hi.  narrative,   though 


'  Uo,"  an  error  easily  recognized. 

^Geographersmustkeepclearof  Fluellen  at  Agincourt  (Henry  V    A    iv    c    -         ••  , 
you  shall  find  in  the  comparisons  between  Macedon  and  Mnnmr,,7  ,u\    u    '    '  "  '       ^  warrant 
is  both  alike.     There  is  a  river  at  Macedon  and  Zr?i=  ,7""'"°""'  '^at  the  situations,  look  you, 
called  Wye  at  Monmouth,  but  ifis  out  of  rAy  prains  Xus^r'n^        a  rn^r  at  Monmouth  ;  it  i^ 
all  one  ;  'tis  alike  as  my  fingers  is  to  my  finJJrs':;^ tKi^s'armons'i;  bot^'  "'"  "'"'  ^"'  '''^ 

by  RoL^rrde^riTiair"'  ui^s^^  'Z"Tr!.  r'^^'^^'  -'^^ '-  '-^"--i 

Univer,elle,"  ii,  p.  1019.      See  lo  Harrtse-r'-'^X^'  etc.  ^  ^^  ^  ^^'"''-    "  ^"^"'^^'"Phie 


\,u 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


A 


./j 


1.0 


I.I 


■^  1.^    1122 

t  vs.  IIIIM 


1.8 


1.25  lil.4    111  1.6 


m 


s 


? 


\ 


'•Q^^ 


cF 


\\ 


-^ 


X 


■^A 


6^ 


& 


# 


^'/^ 


|i-    r 


THE   GLOBE  OF  VLPIUS 


The  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  with  the  Italian  people,  were 
regarded  in  many  respects  as  palmy  days.  At  that  flourishing  period 
many  of  the  sons  of  Italy  proved  themselves  worthy  of  their  noble 
origin  ;  and  as  the  ancient  Romans  bu'It  highways  of  marvelous  magni- 
tude upon  the  land,  the  modern  Italians  opened  the  distant  paths  of  the 
sea.  Columbus  was  inspired  by  the  spirit  of  Crcsar,  though  while  the 
one  conquered  with  the  astrolabe  and  compass,  the  other  prevailed  with 
the  sword.  America  does  not  recognize  the  debt  which  she  owes  to  the 
pent  up  cities  of  the  Italian  peninsula,  whose  inhabitants,  inspired  by  an 
irrepressible  ardor,  went  forth  to  transform  what  was  a  "  Sea  of  Dark- 
ness" into  a  Sea  of  Light.  The  desire  to  abolish  Ultima  T/iule,  and 
make  good  the  prophecy  of  Seneca,  animated  all  classes  of  society. 
Even  the  monk  in  his  cloister  labored  to  furnish  the  sailor  with  the 
best  aids  that  nautical  and  geographical  science  could  supply.  Andrea 
Bianco  gave  his  charts  with  reminiscences  of  long-forgotten  voyages, 
and  Toscanelli  added  to  other  gifts  conferred  by  him  upon  Columbus 
reasons  for  believing  that  the  east  could  be  reached  by  sailing  west.  At 
an  early  period  the  Genoese  sent  out  expeditions  upon  the  Atlantic 
(Gravier's  ^^Navigations  Eitropi'iitius,"  etc.,  p.  5),  but  for  the  most  part 
the  Italian  navigators  engaged  in  the  service  of  nations  more  favorably 
situated  for  the  conduct  of  maritime  enterprise  Amongst  (;thers, 
Marco  Polo,  Ordericus  and  Vcrtomanus  distinguished  themselves  i;i 
the  east,  while  in  the  year  1380  the  Zeiio  Brothers  were  wrecked  in 
the  northern  sea,  Antonio  Zeno  himself,  as  the  best  authorities  now 
admit,  reaching  Greenland  and  the  coast  of  North  America.  It 
remained,  however,  for  Columbus  to  impart  a  practical  value  to  the 
labors  of  his  predecessors,  though  Amerigo  Vespucci  was  immor- 
talized by  the  Monks  of  St.  Die,  who  gave  his  name  to  our  continent, 
.aying,  that  since  the  old  continents  were  named  after  women,  the  new 
one  should  be  called  after  a  man. 

While  Columbus  was  active,  John  Cabot,  the  Venitian,  and  his  son 
Sebastian,  were  pursuing  the  same  absorbing  objects,  the  elder  Cabot, 
indeed,  having  seen  the  mainland  of  America  before  Columbus.  Other 
Italians  perlormca  their  part,  Pigafetti  sailings  around  the  world  in  the 


TiiK  GioiiK  OK  Vi.nus-l  542. 


♦* 


lii:  GioiiK  nv  \'Lrirs-l  542. 


Sngraved  Jbr  the  MaguKine  of  >4fitfHcan  llUtar$. 


h 


1,11 


THE  GLOBE  OF  VLPIUS 


6; 


L-xpedition  ol  Magellan,  of  which  he  was  the  historiographer.  Amongst 
those  less  known  was  the  learned  priest  and  mathematician,  Albert  De 
Prat(;,  the  friend  and  correspondent  of  Cardinal  Wolsey.  Verrazano 
shed  permanent  lustre  upon  his  nation  by  his  exploration  of  the  north 
Atlantic  coast.  The  first  tourist  to  visit  and  describe  this  country  was 
Benzoni,  also  an  Italian;  and  the  Venitian,  Ramusio,  taught  our  own 
great  Ilakluyt  how  to  record  and  treasure  up  the  achievements  of 
explorers  and  navigators  for  the  benefit  of  mankind.  Purchas  gives  his 
quaint  testimony  on  this  point,  exclaiming:  "  Happy  Italy,  that  first,  in 
the  last  Age  of  the  World  hath  discouered  the  great  Discouerers  of  the 
World."  Yet  what  benefit  has  Italy  derived  from  all  these  toils?  The 
largest  tribute  received  from  America  is  found  in  the  aspersion  of  her 
citizens,  and,  notably,  those  of  her  fairest  and  most  enlightened  Capital. 
Well  may  Purchas  turn  to  present  the  obverse  of  the  picture,  and  say : 
"  Unhappie  Italy,  that  still  hath  beaten  the  bush  for  others  to  catch  the 
Bird,  and  hast  inherited  nothing  in  tiiese  Easterne  and  Westerne 
Worlds."     (V.     807.) 

The  present  paper,  however,  is  devoted,  not  to  the  Italian  sailors^ 
but  to  a  work  by  one  who  sought  to  register  the  achievements  of  his 
compatriots  in  an  enduring  form.  The  Globe  of  Euphrosynus  Vlpius, 
constructed  in  1542,  is  now  preserved  in  the  museum  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society,  having  been  found  in  Madrid  by  the  late  Bucking- 
ham Smith.  This  important  and  deeply  interesting  instrument  was 
discovered  in  the  collections  of  a  Spanish  dealer  in  1859,  ^^^^  brought  to 
New  York  the  same  year,  after  the  death  of  its  owner,  being  purchased 
for  the  society  by  the  late  John  David  Wolfe. 

This  globe  is  lifteen  and  one  half  inches  in  diameter,  and  is  supported 
upon  a  worm-eaten  stand  of  oak,  the  iron  cross  tipping  the  north  pole, 
making  the  height  of  the  instrument  three  feet  and  eight  inches.  The 
northern  and  southern  hemispheres  were  constructed  separately.  They 
shut  together  like  a  spherical  box,  being  held  firmly  by  iron  pins. 
Everything  is  done  in  accordance  with  the  best  science  of  the  age,  and 
proves  that  the  globe  was  intended  for  careful  use.  The  latitudes  are 
found  by  the  nicely  graduated  copper  equator,  upon  which  the  names 
of  the  zodiacal  signs  are  engraved  ;  while  the  equatorial  line  of  the  globe 
itself  has  the  longitude  divided  into  sections  covering  five  degrees  each. 
Four  distinct  meridional  lines  divide  the  globe  into  quarters,  while  four 
more  lines  are  faintly  indicated.  The  latitudes  are  found  by  the  aid  of  a 
brass  meridian,  the  Tropic  of  Cancer  being  called  JlsTI^'^'S,  and  Capri- 
corn, Hyemalis.     The   Arctic  and  Antarctic  circles  are   also   faintly 


66 


THE  GLOBE   OF  VLPIUS 


indicated.  A  brass  hour-circle  enables  the  student  to  ascertain  the 
difference  of  time  between  any  two  given  points,  while  the  graduated 
path  of  the  Ecliptic  is  a  prominent  and  indispensable  aid.  The  author 
of  the  globe  evidently  intended  to  secure  simplicity  of  arrangement 
throughout.    The  date  of  the  globe  is  fixed  by  the  following  inscription: 


EGIONES  ORBIS 

TRADITAE^AVT  -hroSTRAEMlS^Qj 
MEMORIA  COMPEKEA  SIN*!? 

VjlvPHKOSYNVS  VEPIVS  X>ESCRIBiE 
^_     BAT  ANNO  SAETTIS:,^? 


The  literal  translation  runs  as  follows;  "Regions  of  the  Terrestrial 
globe  handed  down  by  ancients,  or  discovered  in  our  memory  or  that 
of  our  fathers.     Delineated  by  Euphrosynus  Vlpius,  1542." 

Of  Vlpius  nothing  is  positively  known.  The  name  has  no  promi- 
nence amongst  the  map  and  globe  makers  of  Italy.  The  resemblance  of 
the  globe  to  that  planned  by  Mercator,  1 541,  taken  with  the  fact  that 
Mercator  and  the  Italian,  Moletius,  were  in  a  sense  associated,  might 
possibly  lead  us  to  inquire  whether  or  not  Moletius  had  any  influence 
in  connection  with  the  production  of  the  work  of  Vlpius.  Hakluyt's 
reference  to  "  an  olde  excellent  globe  in  the  Queen's  privie  gallery  at 
Westminster,"  which  "  seemeth  to  be  of  Verarsanus  makinge  "  (Maine 
Coll.  s.  2.  V.  II.  p.  114),  is  also  of  interest,  for,  like  the  globe  of  Vlpius, 


Tilt:    GLOBE    OF   VLPIUS 


67 


it  had  "the  Coaste  described  in  Italian."  and  a  "  neckc  of  landc  in  the 
latitude  of  40."  Possibly  the  Globe  of  VIpius  is  the  globe  which  is  here 
described.  Nevertheless,  the  globe  is  of  Italian  workmanship,  and 
apparently  made  in  Rome.     It  is  dedicated  to  Cervinus  : 


This  may  be  rendered :  "  Marcclhis  Cervino,  Cardinal-Presbyter  and 
Doctor  of  Divinity  of  the  Holy  Roman  Church.  Rome."  The  wheat 
or  barley  heads  appear  to  have  formed  a  device  in  the  family  arms,  as 
they  arc  given  with  his  portrait,  while  the  Deer  form  a  proper  allusion 
to  his  name. 

The  present  representation  of  one  hemisphere  of  the  globe,  without 
being  a  fac  simile,  is  nevertheless  sufficiently  correct  for  historical 
purposes,  and  may  be  relied  upon.  The  Old  and  New  Worlds  are 
represented  as  they  were  known  at  the  time,  the  latitude  of  Florida, 
which  was  too  high  on  the  Verrazano  Map,  being  given  quite  correctly, 
while  the  excessive  easterly  trend  of  the  North  American  coast  line  on 
that  map  is  corrected. 

This  work  is  of  great  historical  interest,  for  the  reason  that  it  bears 
direct  and  independent  testimony  to  the  Voyage  of  Verrazano  in  1524, 
certified  first  by  the  Letter  of  Verrazano  to  Francis  I.,  confirmed  by 
Carli,  and  attested  by  the  Map  of  Hieronimo  da  Verrazano;  this 
witness  being  followed  by  the  author  of  the  Discourse  of  the  Dieppe 


58 


THE   GLOBE   OF  VLl'IUS 


Captain,  in  1539.  Vlpius,  in  1542,  stands  as  the  fifth  witness  to  the 
Vuyage  by  the  following  inscription:  "  Verrasana  sk'c  Nova  Gallia  a 
Vcrrazauo  Florentino  compcrto  anno  Sal.  M.  D.;  which  may  be  rendered  ; 
"  Verrazana  or  New  Gaul,  discovered  by  Verrazano,  the  Florentine,  in 
the  year  of  Salvation,  M.  D."  That  this  inscription  was  suggested  by 
tiic  Verrazano  Map  no  one  has  ever  questioned.  The  principal  adverse 
critic  of  Verrazano  frankly  concedes  that  the  Globe  of  Vlpius 
"  affords  indubitable  evidence  that  the  maker  had  consulted  the  map." 
(Murphy's  "  Vcrrazzanij,"  p.  114.)  Nevertheless  attention  has  been 
called  to  the  fact  that,  in  an  appendix  to  his  work,  the  same  critic  refers 
to  what  is  called  an  "authority,"  which  says  that  the  Map  of  Verrazano 
was  originated  sometime  after  1550.  If  this  were  so,  it  would  appear 
that  the  Verrazano  Map  was  based  upon  the  Globe  of  Vlpius  in  connec- 
tion with  certain  maps,  and  that,  instead  of  having  influenced  the 
production  of  other  maps,  it  is  itself  a  composition  made  up  of  early 
material.  We  are,  therefore,  obliged  here  to  glance  at  a  question  which 
really  answers  itself. 

The  declaration  is:  "  Wc  are  assured  from  Rome, on  high  authorit}', 
that  this  map  api:)ears  to  belong  to  a  period  subsequent  to  1550,  and  is 
regarded  by  its  custodians  as  only  a  copy  at  the  best."  (Murphy's 
"  Verrazzano,"  Appendix.)  Here  are  two  statements  ;  First,  that  the  map 
appears  to  belong  to  a  period  subsequent  to  1550 — otherwise,  that  it 
originated  then  ;  Second,  that,  at  the  best,  it  is  only  a  copy.  With 
regard  to  the  first  proposition  it  may  be  said,  that  an  examination  of  the 
map  reveals  the  fact  that  it  shows  no  exploration  of  a  period  later  than 
1 529,  while  it  affords  a  fair  i)icture  of  discovery  down  to  that  year. 
If,  therefore,  this  map  was  planned  subsequent  to  1550,  the  author  must 
have  intended  to  produce  what  would  have  the  appearance  of  an  early 
map,  or  otherwise,  a  fraud.  But  again,  if  this  map  was  simply  the 
fraudulent  invention  of  an  Italian  during  the  last  half  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  it  is  necessary  to  inquire  how  it  happens  that  the  draughtsman 
produced  a  map  patterned  riter  the  map  described  by  Hakluyt,  as 
respects  size  and  composition,  for  both  answer  to  the  description  of 
"  mightie  large  "  map,  and  both  have  the  Isthmus,  together  with  the 
Italian  names  on  the  coast  of  North  America. 

That  the  two  maps  were  cf  the  same  character,  appears  from  other 
considerations ;  for,  in  whatsoever  Hakluyt  may  have  erred,  he  could 
not  have  referred  any  parchment  to  Verrazano  that  did  not  show 
decided  signs  of  age.  Hakluyt  had  a  full  acquaintance  with  the 
period  of  Verrazano,  and  had  learned  from  Ramusio  the  approximate 


THE  GLOUE  OK  VLPIUS 


69 


time  of  h,s  death,  which,  at  the  furthest,  could  not  have  taken  place 
much  later  than  issa  He  kneu- the  precise  character  of  the  maps  of 
15-^9,  and  when  he  affirmed  that  the  map  was  "././.,••  he  believed  that  the 
character  of  the  work  justified  the  statement  that  it  was  presented  by 
the  riorentme  Nav>^l,^ator  to  Henry  VIII.  He  does  not  say  that  the 
globe  was  presented  to  that  king,  and  therefore  wc  can  claim  for  the 
map  alone  that  it  existed  some  time  near  the  year  1:29.  Such  then 
ben.g  the  facts,  ,t  is  simply  without  reason  to  say  that  the  Propaganda 

iZ"'V:^T  'T7T.'''  '55°''"  ^^^  '"^-"^  of  a  historical 
fraud.  At  that  penod  the  designs  had  been  in  existence  a  long  lime 
and  could  not  have  been  produced  as  part  of  a  fraud.  Whoeve; 
declares  that  this  map  belongs  to  the  late  period  named  must  Hnd  his 
claim  to  be  an  authority  absolutely  denied 

havfhl;^7^'^"V' T^  ^'  asked  why  the  Propaganda  Map  could  not 
ha\e  been  framed  subsequent  to  1550,  taking  the  Globe  of  Vlpius    1:40 
as  a  model  and  with  an   honest  intention.      This  could  not  have  been 
the   case,   for  the   reason   that    the    more    recent   explorations   shown 
by  \  Ipms  are  ignored.     Any  honest  map-maker,  projecting  a  new  map 
would  give  discoveries  down  to  his  time.     If,  therefore,  tlie  Propaganda 
Map  was  based  upon  the  globe,  the  map  as  already  declared,  must  be  a 
fraud,  and  we  are  again  confronted  with  the  question.  How  did  a  fraud- 
ulen    draughtsman  frame  a  map  like  that  in  England,  with  its  isthmus 
and  western  sea.  which  Lok  in  evident  recognition  of  a  legend  corre- 
sponding with  the  legend  of  the  Propaganda  Map,  called   "Mare   de 
Verrazano    ?      Again     it    would    also   be    necessary   to  inquire  where 
Vlpius  obtained  /.;.  plan.     To  argue  the  subject  'farther  is  needless 
since  It  IS  so  evident  the  two  maps  and  two  globes  are  indissolubh' 
connected,   the    two   existing   mementoes   of    the    Verrazano    Vovao-e 
havmg  their  counterparts  in  the  map  and  globe  described  by  Hakluyt 
m    England       The   introduction    of  the    "authority"    from 'Rome   is 
hereforc,  unfortunate  for  the  objector,  since  it  sugests  a  line  of  defence 
for  the  Propaganda  Map  that  otherwise  might  not  have  been  presented. 
A  paleographic  commission  may  pronounce  upon  the  date  of  the  map 
basing  Its  opinion  upon  the  character  of  the  chirography  ;  but  whatever 
may  be  f  conclusion,  no  material  point  in  the  Verrazano  controversy 
will  probably  be  afTected,  since,  whether  a  copy  or  an  original,  its  value 
remains,  and  cannot  be  lessened  without  the  discovery  of  some  eviden-e 
to  prove  that  the  copy   was  not  well  done.     Under  the  circumstances 
however,  any  commission  that  undertakes  to  declare  that  the  map  was 
fraudulently  projected  at  a  period  subsequent  to  1550  for  acceptance  as 


THE   GL013K   OV   VLr'IL'S 


;i  document  of  1529  would  stultify  itself.  The  Map  of  Vcrrazruio  ante- 
dated  the  Globe  of  Vlpius,  and  the  influence  of  the  former  upon 
cartology  ma)  not  be  questioned. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Vlpius  does  not  give  the  e.xact  date  of  the 
discover}'  by  Verrazano,  and  the  fact  has  led  to  the  suggestion  that 
Marcellus  was  not  able  to  determine  the  year.  That  he  tried  to  learn 
the  exact  date  there  is  no  i)roof.  The  explanation  of  the  omission  is 
sufficiently  simple,  for  the  Vcrrazano  Map  is  undated. 

It  will  doubtless  prove  of  interest  to  note  upon  this  map  the  line 
running  from  pole  to  pole  and  cutting  through  the  border  of  South 
America.  This  is  the  line  drawn  b)'  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  by  which, 
in  1493,  he  gave  away  the  New  World  to  Spain.  That  nation,  according 
to  his  decree,  was  entitled  to  lands  discovered  by  them  west  of  the 
line,  while  the  Portuguese  were  to  confine  their  new  possessions  to  the 
region  east  of  the  line,  inscribed,  "  Tirminus  Hispanis  ct  Lnsitanis  ab 
Alcxaudo  VL  P.  Jf.  asstjpttjfus,"  or,  "  The  Boundary  of  Spain  and  Portugal 
assigned  by  Alexander  VI.,  Supreme  Pontiff." 

This  was  done  at  a  time  when  the  Papal  power  was  no  shadow,  yet 
the  Holy  See  was  often  set  at  naught,  and  many  were  the  bitter 
contests  that  sprang  up  between  the  rival  powers.  From  Bernal  Diaz 
we  learn  that  Francis  I.,  communicating  with  the  Emperor  of  Spain, 
and  speaking  of  the  division  made  between  Spain  and  Portugal,  said 
"  he  should  like  them  to  show  him  our  father  Adam's  will,  that  he 
might  convince  himself  whether  he  had  really  constituted  them  the  sole 
heirs  of  these  countries."  The  "  will  "  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
produced,  and  certainly  was  never  probated.  Francis,  therefore,  took 
the  liberty  of  sending  Verrazano  and  Cartier  to  North  America. 

On  the  North  American  section  of  tlic  globe  various  new  points  are 
indicated,  and  the  advance  of  the  Spaniards  in  New  Mexico  is  notice- 
able. This  part  of  the  continent  is  called  "  Verrazana,  sive  Nova 
Gallia,"  while  on  the  Verrazano  Map  is  found,  "  Ivcatania."  Purchas 
says  (V.  S07),  that  South  America  was  called  "  Peruviana,"  and  North 
America,  "  Mexicana ; "  which  explains  the  action  of  Hieronimo  da 
Verrazano,  who  employs  the  name  of  Yucatan  in  accordance  with  the 
same  principle. 

At  the  northwest,  near  Alaska,  is  "  Tagv  Provincia,"  the  "  Tangut  " 
of  Marco  Polo  (C.  58),  the  coast  being  joined  to  Asia.  The  peninsula  of 
Lower  California  does  not  appear,  though  exploration  had  been 
extended  to  that  region,  as  proved  by  Domingo  del  Castello,  on  his  map 
of    1541.       (Lorenzana    " //istoria    dc    Nueva    Rspaiia,"    1770,    p.    328.) 


THE   (JLOLE   OF  VLIILS 


71 


Amongst  the  cviHcnces  of  the  Spanish  advance  is  the  name  of  "Civola" 
in  New  Mexico.  This  is  a  reference  to  the  "Seven  Cities  of  Cibola  " 
which  were  credited  with  such  vast  wealth,  it  being  declared  that  the 
houses  were  snj.ported  by  massive  pillars  of  crystal  and  gold.  Modern 
explorers  hnd  it  difficult  to  fix  upon  the  sites  of  the  ancient  cities. 
{Tcrnaiix  Compans;  with  De  Nagerus  narrative.  1S38;  and  Ilakluyt  lit 
3C2.)  The  wealth  of  Cibola  eventually  became  the  sul)ject  of  sport  'is 
was  the  case  respecting  the  whole  continent,  at  first  supposed  to  be  a 
part  of  the  East  Indies,  and  remarkablv  auriferous.  Hence  Shakespere 
m  the  Comedy  of  Errors,  where  he  grossly  describes  the  kitchen-wench' 
w!io  was  "  spherical  like  a  globe,"  so  that  one  could  "  find  oui  countries 
m  her,  makes  Antipohis  :,sk  :  "  Where  America,  the  Indies?  "  Dromio 
of  Syracuse  replies :  -  O,  Sir,  upon  her  nose,  all  o'er  embellished  with 
rubies,  carbuncles,  sapphires,  declining  their  rich  aspect  to  the  hot 
breath  of  Spain,  who  sent  whole  Armadas  of  Carracks  to  be  ballast  at 
her  nose."     (A.  III.  s.  2.) 

Nova  Galitia,  a  region  conquered  by  Gusman  (Alredo's  "  Diccton- 
ario  Geogrdficor  \\.  i;;),  is  seen  to  the  southward;  and,  in  its  proper 
place,  m  the  middle  of  a  lake,  the  city  of  Mexico  may  be  recognized 
South  America  is  styled  "  Novvs  Mvndus,"  and  presents  a  very 
lively  picture.  Fiom  the  Straits  of  Magellan  to  Chinca,  just  north  of 
the  Tropic  of  Capricorn,  the  coast  is  marked  "  Terra  Incognita."  Peru 
IS  called  New  Castile,  and  is  said  to  be  auriferous  and  fertile.  "  Gvito," 
or  Quito,  happens  to  be  placed  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  continent  and 
close  by  we  read,  "  Domus  olim  ex  solido  aurir  or.  The  House  formerlv 
of  solid  gold.     This  may  be  a  reference  to  El  Dorado. 

A  large  portion  of  the  country  is  abandoned  to  "  Anthropophao-i  " 
and  "Canibales."  Near  Patagonia  is  the  "Terra  de  giganti."  The 
giants  themselves  are  wanting,  like  Ralegh's  men  withlicads  in  their 
breasts,  notwithstanding  we  are  told  by  Pigafetti  and  other  vovagers 
that  there  was  a  plenty  of  giants  in  those  days  ;  yet,  further  north  the 
chamelon  roost  upon  a  broad-leaved  j.lant,  and  still  higher  u].,  one  of 
the  tall  ostriches,  recently  described  by  Darwin,  is  trying  to  exhibit  him- 
self, using  as  a  pedestal  the  house  formerly  of  solid  gold. 

In  Brazil  the  aborigines  appear  in  the  scant  wardrobe  which  thev 
were  accustomed  to  affect,  and  display,  on  the  whole,  what  may  be 
regarded  as  an  animated  disposition.  A  couple  of  Brazilians,  broad  ax 
in  hand,  are  on  the  point  of  taking  off  a  fellow  being's  head,  while  a 
third,  with  a  knife,  is  artistically  dressing  a  leg.  Near  by,  two  other 
amiable  representatives  of  the  tribe  are  engaged  in  turning  a  hu-c  spit 


72 


THE  GLOBE  OF  VLI'IUS 


upon  which,  comfortably  trussed  up,  is  another  superfluous  neighbor, 
\vhom  the  blazing  tire  is  transmuting  into  an  acceptable  roast.  The 
parrot,  evidently  an  editied  spectator,  gazes  placidly  down  from  its 
perch  in  the  tree.  Such  was  life  in  Xovvs  Mvncvs  in  1542.  The 
Amazon  and  the  La  Platta  Rivers  api)ear,  but  Vlpius  does  not  show 
anv  clear  knowledge  of  the  Orinoco  seen  by  Pinzon. 

No  true  indication  of  the  terminus  of  the  continent  is  given,  but 
south  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan  is  seen  a  v.ist  continent  sprc'ding 
around  the  pole.  This  imaginary  continent  was  referred  to  in  classic 
times  as  '' Austrinis  Pars."  {I\Taiii/iis  "Astroiiomica,"  B.  I.  1.  234.)  Its 
existence  was  considered  probable,  for  the  reason  that  it  seemed  to  be 
required  in  order  to  maintain  the  balance  of  land  and  water.  "  Regio 
Paia/is,"  a  part  of  this  continent,  lies  southwesterly  from  the  Straits  of 
Magellan,  the  name  perhaps  having  been  transferrred  from  the  coast  of 
Africa. 

In  the  more  easterly  portion  of  this  continent  is  written,  "  Terra 
Aiistralis  adJiiic  incoinpirta,"  being  an  unexplored  region,  while  in 
passing  around  the  border  of  this  continent  we  come  to  "  Brasieeli," 
a  corruption  of  "  Brazil,"  a  name  applied  to  an  island  in  the  Atlantic 
before  the  discovery  of  America.  On  the  Globe  of  Schoner,  1520,  it  is 
called  "  Brazilia  Inferior." 

On  a  peninsula,  a  part  of  which  appears  in  our  representation  of  the 
globe,  may  be  found  the  following  inscription  :  "  Lusitani  vltra  promo- 
torium  bone  spei  i  Calicutium  tendentes  banc  terra  viderut,  veru  non 
uccesserut,  quaobrem  neq  nos  certi  quidq  afferre  potuimus ;  '  "  The 
Portuguese,  sailing  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  to  Calcutta,  saw 
this  land  but  did  not  reach  it,  wherefore,  neither  have  we  been  able  to 
assert  anything  with  certaint}'." 

The  Old  World  is  depicted  substantially  as  it  appeared  in  the 
Ptolemies.  With  respect  to  the  East  Indies,  a  clear  improvement  is 
made  upon  the  Verrazano  Map.  Vlpius,  in  common  with  Verrazano, 
exhibits  the  great  lakes  of  Central  Africa,  recently  rediscovered. 

Near  the  bank  of  the  Nile  a  robed  ecclesiastic  sits  upon  a  canopied 
throne  with  a  triple  crown  upon  his  brow  and  a  triple  cross  in  his  hand. 
The  figure  is  explained  by  the  legend,  "  Hie  dnat  psbit  Jo/lanes,"  or 
"  Here  rules  Presbyter  John,"  usually  called  "  Prester."  Of  human 
subjects  he  appears  to  have  none,  and  his  lordly  supremacy  seems  to 
concern  the  sagacious  elephant,  the  winged  dragon,  the  scaly  crocodile, 
the  fierce  rhinoceros,  the  unruly  hippopotamus,  and  certain  long-necked 
birds,  one  of  which  is  engaged   in  some  performance  not  described  by 


I 


lllfc;   OLUliE  OF   VLPIUS  ,-, 

/J 

Herodotus.  Prester  John  has  been  reo^arded  as  a  king  in  Thibet,  but 
the  Portuguese  claim  that  he  was  a  convert  to  tlie  Nestorian  faith  in 
Abyssinia.     (^Purchas,  V.  734.) 

In  Asia  may  be  seen  a  multitude  of  cities  and  provinces.  Canton  is 
figured  as  a  collection  of  houses,  near  which  is  a  bird,  in  company  with 
a  couple  of  goats  with  ears  that  reach  to  the  ground.  A  tiger,  a  leopard 
and  a  giraffe  exhaust  the  animal  kingdom. 

Upon  the  ocean  all  is  life,  animation  and  enterprise.  Tall  ships 
laden  with  the  wealth  of  "  Ormus  and  of  Ind,"  move  bravely  homeward 
with  bellying  sails,  while  light  galleys  glide  gaily  hither  and  thither 
around  the  borders  of  the  newly  found  lands.  The  fish  form  a  noticeable 
feature,  and  Leviathan  displays  his  huge  sides,  even  that 

"  Leviathan,  which  God  of  all  His  works 
Created  liugest,  that  swim  the  ocean  stream." 

The  Conger  eel,  without  much  regard  to  the  proprieties,  stretches 
complacently  over  several  degrees  of  latitude,  herein  following  the 
example  of  the  gold  fish  {Aum/a),  which  puffs  itself  up  to  half  the  size  of 
the  whale.  The  Kraken  of  Pontoppidan,  or  at  least  what  resembles  the 
sea-serpent  of  Nahant,  appears  in  the  Atlantic  off  South  Africa,  cor- 
iiigating  his  hirsute  back.  Vlpius,  like  Mr.  Waterhouse  Hawkins,'may 
have  taken  a  scientific  view  of  the  subject;  yet  whatever niav  have' been 
his  opinion,  he  could  not  have  expressed  a  poorer  view  than  that  of  the 
writer  in  '-.Vafun-"  (Sept.  sth,  i8;8),  who  resolves  the  sea-serpent  into  a 
flock  cf  birds.  The  Whale  {nah-na)  is  not  so  well  executed  as  the  rest, 
and  is  attended  by  the  Dolphin  {Orca),  also  called  Marsuin  by  the 
French.    (Ramusio  III,  419.) 

The  fish  represented  upon  the  globe  are  so  well  done  that  they  might 
claim  a  ful'  and  separate  treatment,  evidently  belonging  to  the  earliest 
scientific  delineations  in  Ichthyology.  The  first  book  on  Fish  perhaps 
was  that  of  Paul  Jovius  (Rome,  1524),  but  it  contains  no  illustrations.  It 
is  possible  that  no  illustrated  work  appeared  prior  to  1542.  Jovius  sent 
out  his  work  f rt  m  the  Vatican,  with  which  he  was  connected.  Ichthyo- 
logical  studies  aj)pear  ^.o  have  been  pursued  with  diligence  at  Rome, 
where  Salvinus  publisned  his  book  in  1554.  The  fish  upon  the  globe 
bear  a  close  resemblance  to  those  of  Rondelatius  (Lugduni,  1554C  On 
globes  and  maps  prior  to  1542  maybe  found  a  variety  of  uncouth 
marine  monsters,  but  correct  representations  of  fish  are  scarce. 

Besides  the  histori :  groups  of  islands,  there  are  many  of  lesser  note, 
together  with  a  few  noi:  found  to-day.  East  of  Cape  St.  Roque  is  "  De 
Ferna  Loronha,"  or  Fernando  de  Noronha,  discovered  in   1506  by  the 


74 


THE   (JLOBE   OF  VLPIUS 


\i      I. 


h 

If 


\4  ' 


Portuguese  navigator  of  that  name.  This  lonely,  harbnrless  isle,  wit'u 
its  remarkable  peak  (Scribncr's  MontJily,  Feb.,  1876),  appears  ready  to  be 
'.vhat  it  is  now,  the  Sing  Sing  of  Brazil;  while  .St.  Helena,  discovered 
on  the  festival  of  that  saint,  1501,  is  waiting  to  imprison  one  of  the 
world's  great  disturbers.  There  is  also  "  Insvle  Tristan  Dacvnha,"  found 
by  the  Portuguese.  Dacuna.  in  1506 ;  and  "  Insvle  Formose,"  while  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  Indian  Ocean  is  "  Insvle  Grifonvm,"  or  the  Isle  of 
Grififins. 

Bermuda  is  prominent,  having  been  laid  down  for  the  first  time  on 
Martyr's  Map  of  151 1,  and  southward  is  "  Catolica,"  possibly  an  alternate 
name  for  the  "  Island  of  the  Seven  Cities,"  which  were  reported  in  various 
places,  the  inhabitants  being  "good  Catholics."  Near  this  spot,  on 
Ruysch's  Map.  1 50S,  is  the  word  "  Cata."  An  island  which  appears  to  be  a 
duplicate  of  Cape  Breton  lies  eastward  of  that  region,  and  is  called 
"  Dobreta."  It  probably  represents  Sable  Island.  Northward  is  "S. 
Crvcis,"  not  found  to-dav.  Here  we  might  pause  to  remark  upon  the  ease 
with  which  islands  that  have  no  existence  are  found  in  the  sea,  and  the 
corresponding  difficulty  of  getting  rid  of  them.  Upon  some  of  our  best 
maps  may  be  found  such  islands  as  "  Jaquet  Island,"  "  Three  Chimnies," 
"  Mayda,"  "  Amplimont,"  and  "  Green  Rock."  "  Amplimont "  is  given  in 
Bescherelle's  Geographical  Dictionarv.  On  Colton's  Atlas  these  islands 
lie  in  the  track  of  navigation  between  France  and  Newfoundland.  It  is 
said  that  the}-  originated  with  icebergs  in  the  fog-banks,  or  possibly  in 
the  fog-banks  themselves.  I  ,  should  be  noticed,  however,  that  this  part  of 
the  ocean  is  volcanic,  and  that  islands  of  considerable  magnitude  have 
risen  from  the  sea  at  different  times.  The  earliest  eruption  on  record  in 
the  north  Atlantic  is  that  mentioned  on  the  Map  of  Ruysch  in  the 
Ptolemy  of  150S.  Between  Iceland  and  Greenland  is  the  legend  "  Insu/e 
Jiac  1456  anno  Dno  fvit  totalitcr  combusta  ;"  or,  "  This  island  was  entirely 
burned  up,  A.  D.  1456."  In  Webster's  work  on  St.  Michael's  Island  may 
be  found  an  acount  of  the  volcanic  islands.  Thomas  Hickling,  United 
States  Consul,  describes  the  formation  of  one  named  "  Sabrina." 

It  would  not,  however,  be  proper  to  treat  all  these  islands  of  Vlpius 
now  missing  in  accordance  with  the  volcanic  theory.  Amongst  them  is 
'•  Ins.  viride,"  which  may  be  regarded  as  a  reminiscence  of  pre-Colum- 
bian voyages  by  the  Portuguese  and  others  to  the  fishing  banks  near 
Newfoundland,  the  largest  being  known  as  the  "  Grand  Bank."  while 
the  lesser  bear  various  names,  amongst  which  is  the  "Green  Bank." 
The  latter  shoal,  known  to  be  very  rocky,  was  evidently  taken  by 
some  map-maker  for  solid    land,   and    laid  down    as    an    island.     Thi3 


mmm 


THE   ULODE   OF   \LPIUS 


/3 


mistake  is  often  made  in  our  times.  To  a  similar  origin  may  be  assigned 
'•Jaquet  Island,"  which  came  from  the  Jaquet  Bank,  a  shoal  near'the 
edge  of  Grand  Bank.  -  Mayda "  is  simplv  the  "Maidas"  of  the 
early  maps,  while  the  "Three  Chimnies,"  if  not  explained  by  some 
eruption,  may  have  originated  in  such  peculiarities  of  the  bottom  as  that 
known  as  the  "  Wiiale  Hole  "  on  the  bank  of  Newfoundland. 

It^  would  be  a  more  difficult  task,  perhaps,  to  explain   the   origin 
of  I'S.  Branda,"  or  Brandon,  which  appears  on  the  Globe  of  Vlpius. 
It  is  true,  as  already  indicated,  that  sailors  often  shape  islands  out  of 
the  fog.     An  instance  is  found  in  the  Is/t   de  Fer,  a  reflection  of  which, 
often  noticed  by  sailors,  and  called  the  land  of  Butter  {Tcrrc  de  l>eurre), 
was  gravely  ceded  by  the  Spanish  Government  to  Louis  Perdignon.     A 
similar  explanation  has  often  been  given  to  St.  Brandon  by  writers  who 
are  inclined  to  make  their  labors  light.     When  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  i;. 
observed   by  certain  savages,  they  begin  to  beat  drums  to  drive  the 
evil^  spirits   away.      Many   enlightened    persons,    however,    infer   that 
siiauows  are  formed  by  the  intervention  of  something  approaching  the 
nature  of   a   solid.      It  is  n.it  forcing  philosophy  to  demand  a  more 
reasonable   explanation   than   any    hitherto   offered  of  such    islands  as 
St.  Brandon.     The  Fata  Morgana  is  perhaps  quite  as  unsatisfactory  as 
the  theory  of  Satanic  delusion,  sometimes  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of 
explaining    the    mystery.      St.    Brandon's    Island,    without   any   great 
stretch    of    the   imagination,    might   be    referred    to  a  burning"  insular 
peak,  so  far  as  the  etymolgy  may   be  concerned  ;  while,  again,  as  the 
Irish  monks  were  abroad  upon  the  sea  at  an  early  period,  some  (jf  them 
may  have  landed  upon  an   island  that  afterward  disappeared.     In  the 
case  of  the  monks,  it  would  have  received  due  embellishment,  since  they 
were  as  fond  of  the  marvellous  as  certain  classes  are  to-day. 

Turning  to  the  Greenland  section  of  the  globe,  a  gratifying  improve- 
ment upon  Verrazano's  outline  is  found,  showing  that  Vlpius  had  con- 
sulted the  maps  of  Ruysch,  1508,  and  Orontius  Fine^  1531,  thoagh  it 
w'U  be  well  to  remember  in  this  connection  thr.t  Behaim's  Globe  of  149:; 
shows  land  in  the  same  direction.  The  Greenland  section  of  Vlpius 
also  indicates  that  the  knowledge  in  possession  of  the  Zeno  Family  at 
^'enice  found  some  expression  in  Ital;>  before  the  publication  of 'the 
Zeno  Voyage  and  Map  in  1558.  Vlpius  gives  a  clear  denial  to  the 
Ptolemies  respecting  the  situation  of  Greenland.  The  editor  of  the 
Ptolemy  of  1482  knew  of  the  Chronicle  of  Ivar  Bardsen,  and  some  of 
the  names  mentioned  by  him  appear  upon  the  editor's  map ;  yet  at  the 
same  time  he  assigns  a  false  position  to  Greenland,  which  is  made  an 


J 


76 


THE    GLOBE   OF   VLPIUS 


I'- 


extension  of  Norway,  while  Iceland  is  laid  down  in  the  sea  jcest  of  what 
is  j^iven  as  Greenland.  Vlpius,  on  the  contrary,  and  in  accordance 
with  the  fact,  places  Iceland  aisi  of  Greenland,  thouj^h  both  arc  thrown 
too  far  towards  Europe.  The  waters  of  Greenland  are  represented  as 
navigated,  and  nothing  is  perhaps  more  susceptible  of  proof  than  the 
fact  that  communication  was  never  lost  with  Greenland  from  the  tenth 
century  down  to  the  present  day.  Vlpius,  who  seems  to  copy  Ruysch's 
outline,  leaves  the  space  between  Greenland  and  the  west  as  unex- 
plored, while  Ruysch,  on  the  other  hand,  makes  Greenland,  together 
with  Newfoundland,  part  of  Asia,  Gog  and  Magog  being  in  close 
proximity.  It  remained  for  the  Zeno  Map,  published  sixteen  years 
after  Vlpius,  to  show  the  position  of  Greenland  more  distinctly,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  reveal  the  sites  of  the  eastern  and  western  colonies  of 
Greenland,  so  erroneously  supposed  in  later  times  to  have  been  situated 
on  the  opposite  coasts  of  that  country.     (Northmen  in  Maine,  p.  30.) 

It  will  be  necessary  next  to  speak  of  the  coast  names  on  the 
North  American  Continent,  though  it  has  been  indicated  previously 
that  certain  of  them  show  an  agreement  with  the  names  on  the  Verra- 
zano  Map.  Along  the  eastern  border  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  adjoining 
Florida,  may  be  seen  "  Rio  Del  Gato,"  or  the  Cat  River;  "  Rio  de  Los 
Angelos,"  or  River  of  the  Angels;  "P.  de.  S.  lohan " ;  "  Navidad," 
or  Nativity  ;  "Costa  Verde,"  or  the  Green  Coast;  "  Costa  de  Corsales," 
which  could  hardly  mean  the  Coast  of  the  Corsairs.  Perhaps  it  was 
placed  here  in  honor  of  Andrea  Corsali,  the  Florentine  navigator  in  the 
service  of  Emanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  though  no  record  is  fo.  J  of 
any  voyage  made  by  him  to  this  region.  "  B.  de  Los  Baxos,"  or  the 
Shoal  Bay,  completes  the  list  of  names  on  this  part  of  the  Gulf. 

On  the  Atlantic  coast  the  names  commence  near  South  Carolina  with 
the  "  B.  della  >j*,"  Bay  of  the  Cross.  Next  is  "  Valkombrosa,"  the 
Shady  Valley,"  which,  with  the  neighboring  coast,  covered  with  sedge 
or  reeds  {Calami),  reminds  us  of  Milton's  lines  : 

"  Thick  as  autumnal  leaves  that  strew  the  brooks 
In  Vallombrosa,  where  the  Etrurian  shades 
High  over-arch'd,  imbower,  or  scatter'd  sedge." 

"  Punta  del  Olivio "  is  evidently  the  same  as  Verrazano's  Cape 
"  Olimpe."  Then  follow  "  Selvi  di  Cervi,"  the  Deer  Park  of  Verra- 
zano,  and  "Calami,"  similar  to  the  "  Carnavarall "  of  the  Spanish 
maps.  This  brings  us  to  "Lvngavilla"  and  "G.  di.  S.  Germano,"  both 
Verrazano  names,  the  former  being  Li.ngueville,  near  Dieppe,  and  the 


THE   GLOBE  Or  VLI'IUS 


77 


^TTl  f  ^•..^^^'•'"^^"^-^"-Laye,  the  splendid  residence  of  Francis  I      "  R 
del  Sole,     R.ver  of  the  Sun.  if  not  for  Solis,  is  followed  by    'Norman: 
Villa,     a   French   city   near    Lon^ueville        "T     <^     I  i       ••       j™^" 
southern    New  Jerse^       "  Porto^  R:';;:.  fol.o'Ji-s.'w  ;^:udd'l"w: 
reach  the  nver  intended  for  the  Penobscot  or  Nori^mbega, Tl  t"  L  on 
the  Map  of  A  lefonsce,  is  thrown  too  far  south.     The  coas   beincdj^v" 

2::^::%"^^^^' 'T-^'-  -'' ''- ^^"•■'-" ^----'^ 

AHeWe  as  the      F  '     V"  .^'^^'  °^  ^^-  ^'■''^"^'^'  delineated  by 

A  iclonsce  as  the  ''Franciscan  Cape."     Next  is  "  Ref.givm  Promont  " 

ntended   for  the   Cape   of   Refuge"   of    the  Verra.aL   M^p      -    ch 

afforded  Verrazano  a  landlocked  harbor,  to-day  identified  wihN    v. 

s  confused  The  next  name  is  "  Corte  Magiore,"  unless  indeed 
'Mngiore  belongs  with  the  succeeding  inscription.  The  si<^^fic. 
non  IS  obscure,  like  that  of  "  Flora."  though  the  litter  occurs  in  ^  ver^l" 
of  the  Ptolemies  of  the  period,  including  Mattiolo's,  1548  and  ,n 
Ramus.o  s  Verrazano  sketch.  Finally.  "  Cavo  de  Brettoi^i  "Is  reached 
or  Cape  Breton,  a  name  usually  referred  to  the  French,  but  which  may 
have  been  given  by  the  Portuguese.     The  form,  it  wil    be  ob  er ved  b 

use  IS  no    plain.     The  reading  ,na_y  be  "cdmeri,"  and  thus  refer  to  the 

the  Oc"e.nVr   '^w'tr^T^^    ^t"T""^   ^'    '^^«"^^'    '^^o.   sigi 'fy^' 
the  Ocean  Cape.     W  ith  "  1  erra  Laboratoris  "  we  reach,  not  Labrador 
the   Portuguese  "Land  of  the  Laborers,"  but  New  F^undland       Bv 
mistake,  ••  Laboratoris  "  is  applied  to  New  Foundland,  as  later  to  Cane 
Breton   the  inland  waters  of  which  are  to-day  called  '' Bras  d'or     pTe 
viously  lengthened  fron,  "  Brador."  which,  according  to  the  la'ncro; 
some  one.  signihed  "  the  Arm  of  Gold."      Thus  easily  L  names  emp  ied 
of  their  original  signification.     The  coast  line  to  •' C.  Frio7  the  Cold 
Cape  of  the  Portuguese,  represents  New  Foundland.  one  oa  t  o    wh^c 
IS  marked  "  Terra  Corterealis."     "  C.  Branco  "  is  the  WhZ  r 
"C  'le  Rom  Victo  "off      11  '^  "ranco     is  the  White  Cape,  and 

given  to   New   Foundland   by  the  old  cartographers,  that  of  "  Bicca 

aos     always  adheres,  being  derived  from  ^  J..,  a  stick,  often  used 

Zr^\nu''?f   '■^''"   ^'^^"  ^^^'•"^-      ^'^^'^^  dos  Mo  OS,"  at  the 

spe  lin'of    f  c  :  T  '"     ."  .''°''.^'  ^''^^'-     "  ^^  ""^'^^^^''^^  "  ^  ^  di- 
spelling of     G.  da  Tormento,"  or  the  Gulf  of  Torment,  found  on  Reinel 

and  other  charts,  apparently  referring  to  the  stormy  we.;ther.     "  IlhX" 

mer"n  ■'•'"..     f'  ^'  ^'"'"'  "  ™'^-^'  ^'^"^^^^  '"^^  Shallow  River.     "  ct-,. 
mero     is  the  first  cape,  "  G.  do  plagel  "  is  the  Gulf  of  the  Sand  Bank 


78 


THE  GLOBE  OF  VLPIUS 


and  "  Dos  Demonios,"  or  the  Island  of  ihc  Demons,  is  often  found. 
Greenland  lies  adjoining,  being  called  "  Groestlandia."  It  is  separated 
from  Labrador  by  the  sea.  As  in  several  other  maps,  the  name  is 
repeated  on  an  island  lying  webtward  as  "  Grovclat."  The  greater 
portion  of  the  region  around  the  Pole  is  shown  as  land,  but  north  of 
Asia  is  an  immense  lake,  "  Mare  Glaciale,"  found  on  the  Nancy 
Globe. 

Only  two  of  the  names  between  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Gulf  of 
St.  Lawrence  remain  to-day.  The  French  were  nevertheless  ambitious, 
and  would  have  founded  New  France  on  the  central  portion  of  our 
coast  if  circumstances  had  proved  more  favorable.  Trivial  incidents 
sometimes  turned  them  aside.  But  for  a  head  wind  when  off  Cape 
Cod,  sailing  southward  in  1605,  Champlain  might  have  reached  tne 
Hudson,  and  instead  of  planting  Port  Royal  in  Nova  Scotia,  he  might 
have  established  its  foundations  on  Manhattan  Island,  in  the  region 
where  Port  Royal  ("Porto  Reale")  was  laid  down  by  Vlpius.  This 
would  have  made  the  greatest  city  in  America  a  French  city,  and, 
possibly,  changed  the  destiny  of  the  continent. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Vlpius  gives  to  France  only  that  to  which  she 
was  entitled.  As  far  northward  as  the  coast  of  the  Carolinas,  the  terri- 
tory is  considered  Spanish,  while  thence  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  it 
is  French,  the  rest  being  Portuguese,  as  allowed  by  the  general  use  of 
Portuguese  names.  In  1542,  when  Carticr  set  out  upon  his  expedition 
to  colonize  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  it  was  clearly  understood  at  Rome 
what  the  French  claimed.  At  the  same  time  the  globe,  as  point  I  out, 
bears  the  line  of  Pope  Alexander,  by  which  the  most  of  the  New  World 
was  given  to  Spain.  These  facts,  however,  are  consistent  with  one 
another,  even  on  the  supposition  that  the  globe  was  made  at  the  Vatican 
under  the  direction  of  the  Cardinal-Presbyter  Cervinus.  That  person, 
though  loyal  to  the  Papal  throne,  which  he  was  destined  to  occupy,  was 
not  over  friendly  to  Spain,  having  three  years  before  refused  a  pension 
of  ten  thousand  piastres  from  Charles  V.,  who  wished  to  win  his 
support.  Therefore,  while  recognizing  the  decree  of  Alexander,  he 
might  have  been  fair  with  the  French,  and  thus  conceded  what  they 
had  accomplished  in  the  New  World  by  the  aid  of  his  countryman, 
Verrazano.  However  this  may  be,  the  French  are  recognized,  and  the 
most  of  the  region  now  occupied  by  the  United  States  was  claimed  for 
France  as  New  Gaul.  Cluverius  (Introductio  ad  Geographium,  ed. 
1629)  also  speaks  of  New  France  as  Gaul  {''Nova  Francia  Gallis")  Did 
he  know  of  the  Globe  of  Vlpius?    Cartier's  voyage  of  1534  is  not  men- 


THE  GLOBE  OF  VLPIUS 


79 


tionecl,  as  he  made  no  discover '  ,,  but  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  which 
he  entered,  is  left  open.  Ribcro  on  his  map  indeed  closes  the  Gulf,  yet 
It  was  well  known  iu  the  French  at  a  very  early  period. 

The  open  sea  and  isthmus  on  the  Globe  of  Vlpius  form  a  topic  of 
special  interest,  but  as  it  has  been  discussed  already  in  connection  with 
the  Map  of  Verrazano,  it  will  suffice  here  to  add  a  few  facts  by  way  of 
illustration.  The  sea  and  isthmus  were  copied  from  Verrazano,  and  the 
existence  of  a  body  of  water  in  close  proximity  to  the  Atlantic  was 
generally  believed.  Often  it  was  represented  as  lying  further  to  the 
south,  and  hence  some  suppose  that  what  was  re'fcrred  lo  may  have 
been  the  Bay  of  Mexico.  Again,  the  sea  was  supposed  to  lie  near  the 
St.  Lawrence  River,  a  belief  that  led  the  French  to  attempt  the  coloni- 
zation of  that  rude  and  inhospitable  country,  in  preference  to  the  sunny 
and  fertile  regions  explored  farther  southward  by  Verrazano.  The 
Spaniards,  on  the  same  principle,  as  previously  noted,  propo-^ed  to 
fortify  and  colonize  the  Straits  of  >Ligellan.  The  St.  Lawrence  was 
supposed  to  lead  directly  into  the  "  Sea  of  China."  When  Champlain 
went  to  Canada  in  1608,  he  declared  that  he  would  not  return  until  he 
reached  the  sea. 

In    16 1 2   he   made   a   seventeen  days'   journey  into  the   wilderness 
from  Montreal  to  f^nd  the  sea  upon   whose   shore    Vignan   professed 
to  have  seen  the  wreck  of  an  English  ship.     This  man,  who  marched 
before   Chamj^lain   through    the    tangled    forests,    has   been    called    an 
impostor,   and,   with   a   musket  leveled  at   his  head,  Vignan   confessed 
himself  one;    yet  no  doubt  he  was  as  much  deceived  as  Champlain 
having  acted  upon  the  trusted  relation  of  another,  a  course  which  he 
supposed  would  succeed,  and  bring  him  great  credit.     De  Bry  {Brn'is 
Narraiio,  Ft.  2,  1591)  represents  the  sea  in  his  map,  while  the  Virginia 
colonists  entertained  a  similar  idea.     As  late  as  165 1  the  western  sea 
was  represented  within  about  two  hundred  miles  of  the  Atlantic  coast, 
as  appears  from  a  map  of  that  year,  found  in  some  copies  of  "  The 
Discovery  of  New  Brittaine."     This  error  had  its  day,  and  then  died  ; 
though  not^without  manifesting  a  remarkable  vitality.     The  belief  was 
shared  by  Vlpius  in  common  with  Verrazano,  the  latter  being  as  positive 
on  the  subject  as  Frobisher  himself,  both  having  committed  the  belief 
to  maps. 

Before  drawing  to  a  close,  it  may  be  desirable  to  give  a  brief  sketch 
of  the  life  of  i>Larcellus.  The  portrait  is  a  reduction  ixv  fac  simile  of  that 
found  in  the  work  entitled,  ^^Uomiui  Illnstri  Toscanir  etc.  Apart  from 
all  connection  with  the  globe,  it  will  be  prized  bv  collectors  for  its  great 


8o 


THE   GLOBE   OF  VLPIUS 


rarity.  It  is  to  Marcellus  II.  that  wc  arj  indebtefl,  in  no  small  deirrt-e, 
for  what,  upon  the  whole,  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  skillfully  made 
of  the  ancient  globes  n'Mv  known. 

Marcellus  Ccrvinus  de  Spanniochi  was  the  son  of  Riciardo  Cervinus 
and  Cassandra  Bcnci,  being  born  May  6th,  1501,  at  Montesano,  a  city  (^f 
southern  Italy,  situated  about  seventy  miles  southeast  of  Naples.  The 
family  was  originally  of  Montcpulciano,  near  Siena.  For  that  reason 
Pope  Marcellus  takes  his  place  among  the  Sienese.  His  father  was 
Apostolic  Receiver  for  the  March  of  Ancona.  The  early  studies  of 
Marcellus  were  conducted  at  Siena.  Upon  going  to  Rome  he  was 
appointed  Secretary  to  Pope  Julius  III.  In  1538  he  served  at  the  Court 
of  Charles  V.  as  Papal  Ablegate.  December  19th,  1539,  he  was  created 
Cardinal.  He  also  received  the  Bishopric  of  Neo  Castro.  December 
15th,  1540,  he  was  made  titular  Bishop  of  Reggio,  Jacques  Laincz  per- 
forming the  actual  duty;  and  February  29th,   1544,  Bishop  ofGubbio. 

Marcellus  was  present  at  the  Diet  of  Spires,  and  April  30th,  1543, 
was  made  one  of  the  three  Presidents  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  April 
3th,  1535,  he  was  unanimously  elected  Pontiff,  and  the  following  day  ho 
was  crowned.  A  violent  stroke  of  apoplexy  put  an  end  to  his  life  April 
30th,  after  a  reign  of  twenty-two  days.  If  Marcellus  had  lived,  he 
would  have  ta^-en  rank  amongst  the  greatest  of  the  Popes.  Protestants 
praise  him,  ant  the  worst  enemies  of  Rome  are  obliged  to  concede  his 
worth.  His  example  was  indeed  unique ;  for  the  reformation  of  the 
clergy  which,  as  Ranke  observes,  others  talked  about,  he  exhibited  in  his 
own  person.  He  was  zealous  for  a  pure  administration  throughout  the 
Church.  Though,  like  his  father,  possessing  certain  astrological  tastes, 
he  was  sincerely  devoted  to  pure  science,  literature  and  criticism.  He 
advocated  the  reformation  of  the  calendar,  in  accordance  with  a  plan 
devised  by  his  father.  At  the  time  the  impression  went  abroad  that  the 
world  was  to  suffer  from  an  universal  deluge,  a  belief  which,  it  is  said, 
drove  Clement  VI.  to  the  high  grounds  of  Tivoli,  Marcellus,  then  but 
little  known,  wrote  a  treatise  to  dissipate  the  notion.  Amongst  his 
elegant  Latin  poems  is  one  "  De  Somnio  Scipionis."'  His  disposition  was 
somewhat  severe,  and  he  wished  to  inaugurate  strong  measures  against 
the  Lutherans  and  Calvinists;  being  desirous,  also,  of  reassembling  the 
Council  of  Trent.  His  severity  even  led  him  to  propose  the  abolition 
of  music  in  the  Church ;  but  when  at  Easter,  Palestrina,  then  Chapel 
Master  of  the  Vatican,  composed  a  Mass  for  six  voices,  its  effect  was  so 
great  that  the  Pontiff  burst  into  tears.  He  at  once  abandoned  his 
purpose,   and   the  Mass  has  since  been  known  as  the  Mass  of  Pope 


THE   GLOBE  Or   VLPIUS 


8i 


Marcellus  II.  The  fastes  of  this  Pontiff  were  elegant.  He  was  himself 
an  accomplished  draughtsman,  and  a  good  sculptor.  He  loved  to 
surround  himself  with  learned  and  scientific  men.  Being  fond  of  history 
and  antiquities  it  is  presumable  that  he   was  interested  in  geography 

^eyoteH  T"  7  f"  '^"  ^'°^'  "^  ^''P'"^  ''''  "^^^^'  '542.  he  was  wholly 

fl  e  Vnf-        T  ;       "'   ?r'""''   ^''"^'  ''^•^'^   "^'^'S^^   ^^-'t'^   the   care   o'f 
the  Vatican  Library.     He  was  distinguished   for  his  height,  though  his 
figure  was  spare.      His  eyes  were   black,  and   the  expression   of  his 
countenance,  according  to  his  portrait  and  written  testimony,  was  pleas- 
ing and  agreeable.     It  is  recorded  that,  while  possessing  gaiety  of  dis 
position,   he   seldom   laughed.     Two  medals,  described  by  D'Artaud 
were  struck  in  his  honor.     {"Nisroired.s  Sourcrains  Pontife/ Romainsr)    ' 
This  account  of  the  Life  of  Pope  Marcellus  quashes  the  last  indict- 
ment drawn  against  Verrazano,  where  it  is  declared  :  "  Eyen  the  Globe 
ol    Luphrosynus  Vlpius,   a  name   otherwise  unknown,  is   represented 
FlnrTr  ^^^"  ^°"^t'-"<;;^d  for  Marcellus,  who  had  been  archbishop  of 
1  lorence.     They  are  all  the  testimony  of  Florence  in  her  own  behalf." 
(Murphy  s  •  Verrazzano,"  p.   150.)     As  it  happens,  however,  Cervinus 
was  never  Archbishop  of  Florence,  and  held  no  office  in  that  city,  which 
or  generations  attempted  no  recognition  of  Verrazano,    it   not   bein- 
TTri   h"'  ?  xn^-^'  ""^  ''""^  Navigator's  Letter  existed  in  the  archives" 

wrth?nv t      7KT'  T  '"°''  "^'"  '^'  ^^""^^  °^  Verrazano,  is  associated 
^^ ith  an>  trauc.     The  charge  is  based  upon  a  misconception  of  the  facts 

"ictron'r  r'-"'"r"'i •  V'' ^'"^"'"^"^  •"  ^-^^-" ^^  -  R---^"  pro 

u  ?  "'  r      5"  ""   '"'""'^  '"'-'■  >'"*  ^"  ''''''''^  t"  Marcellus  himself,  who 

uas  known  for  his  ability  and  skill  in  this  kind  of  work.  Neverthele  s 
by  whomsoever  it  may  have  been  designed,  this  ancient  globe  has  come 
to  us  from  the  Eternal  City,  finding  a  permanent  resting  place  at  last 
not  without  a  certa  n  fine  justice,  in  the  great  metropolis  which  looks 
out  upon  the  splendid  harbor  visited  and  described  by  him  whose  name 
IS  so  prominently  engraved  upon  the  portion  representing  the  New 
Dossess"  Zr^  7  °^  the  globe  could  be  written,  it  would  be  found  to 

possess  the  charms  of  romance.  This  may  be  the  very  globe  that,  as 
Haklu3-t  said,  sa..ef/.  to  be  of  Verrasanus  making,"  and  thich  pu;en 
Elizabeth  was  accustomed  to  consult  in  the  gallery  at  Westminster      If 

nnHfV  ^?'''"''^'''  ''  '"""''  England?  It  certainly  went  to  Spain, 
and  there,  the  instrument  upon  which  perhaps  more  than  one  Pope  read 
the  decree  of  his  predecessor,  Alexander,  was  finally  banished  to  the 
realm  of  worthless  antiquities.  Yet  it  is  a  rare  souvenir  of  the  past  It 
embodies  many  of  the  great  aspirations  of  the  sixteenth  century'     It 


83 


THE   ULOUE   OF  VLPIUS 


Stands  connected  with  its  maritime  enterprise  and  adventure,  and 
with  its  naval  and  geographical  romance.  It  forms  an  epitome  of  the 
world  from  the  beginning  to  1542.  Especially  does  it  prove  to  the 
student  how  the  exploration  of  our  continent  tried  the  courage,  tested 
the  endurance,  baffled  the  skill  and  dissipated  the  fortunes  of  some  of 
the  noblest  of  men. 


THE    GLOHE   uF    VLlll': 


-1542 


■  • .  ■'  '•-•*  • 


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